Carter, James pg. 3

Submitted by Margaret Gagliardi.

Our command consisted of about 1,400 men, while joe Wheeler, it was claimed had about 4,000. All that saved us from defeat and capture was the narrowness of the valley. Wheeler could not use more men in his front than we had in ours. All day long we fought the enimy, graduly falling back towards the river. I was ordered to stay close to the battery, and report to the commander when it should fall back, but my oders were changed, and I was ordered to take charge of the horses of the regiment, and keep them safely in the rear of our line of battle, which I succeeded in doing, when the Qartermasterof the 5{th} Ind calv stampeded them by riding along a full gallup to the rear, declaring that the riders of those horses would never mount them again. I succeeded in controlling my own company and held them on that side of the river till night, when my company came in from the mountain side, and mounted them, and was able to cross the river dry shod, while the bal of the regiment had to wade the cold river stream wast deep. When I saw my tired boys fording that cold stream, I felt very proud of what I had done for them, especially when I heard the men in the other companies lamenting that they hadent officers that would look after their welfare in emergencies like this. It is possible that there might have been a different story to relate if we had not been reinforced by a battery planted on the north side of the river, which did effective work, as soon as the enimy came within its range. Late in the evening a regiment of six months Ind troops crossed the river and had some fighting with the enimy. Earley in the fight Wheeler made a calvery charge on our center, seeking to brake our line, which was anticipated and prevented by co A of my regiment being placed in ambush in some buildings on each side of the road. This company was armed with Henry rifles --sixteen shooters-- the charging battalion came up in splendid order, but the formation was distroyed when those shooters turned loose on it, and blocked the road with men and horses. The citizens told us the next day that the rebels said that the yanks had the damdest gunns that was ever made, that they stuck their guns through a crack of the fence, and turned a crank and there was no end to the stream of led that was hurled at their column.
 
 The entire command crossed the river, and went into camp, but recrossed the river the next day and followed slowley the retreating enimy. The secret of the whole matter was that Longstreet was retreating up the valley, and wanted to clear his flank from attack by us, and Wheeler was ordered to do this. If he could have captured us, it would have been some compensation for the losses sustained at knoxville. Our side of the battle was well managed, and by officers that had had little experience in the management of battle lines. In this battle the rebels got the worst of it. I know that our losses were very small. We had several cases of cowardice in this fight, that proved very troublsom in after years when the victems applied for pensions.
 
 We did not go back to Menardsville, but turned asside, and sought to get to powderspring gap, to "Beanstation", from which we had marched a few weeks before. the rebels had posession of this gap, and the narrow valley on the west side. Throgh the connivence of the first Lieut who was in command, I came very nearley being captured. My horse had been so baddly skinned in both shoulders, that I had walked much of the time to save her, which the Liut knew. There was a call for 75 men to make a rade across a low range of hills, into the gap, and hold it. The whole sceme was so impractical that the capt detailed to command the column refused to do so, saying that he would not lead the men into such a trap, but he would go with any other officer that was placed in command, which he did under the command of a Lieut of the 5{th} Cave. My Lieut Admire insisted that I should go, and when I remonstrated on the ground of the disability of my mount, he said that I could fall in with the column, and then fall out by the way. I laughed in his face, and said "you will then prefer charges against me". It was known that there would be a promotion soon, and I was in line the plum would come to me, unless I could be disposed of in some way, and Admire having a friend that he wished to fill the position, adopted this plan to get me out of the way, by capture, or otherwise. It is hard to think a soldier would do such a thing. 
 
 Of course I fell into line, and took up the line of march with the detail. Being the orderly seargent of the company I was not subject to detail, unless a majority of the company was included. We crossed the mountain over what had once been a road, but it had not been used for years, and had partially grown up with undergrowth so that it was dificult to get along, even on horseback. Just before reaching the valley, we found that we were in close proximity to a rebel camp, but as they had not videtts next to the mountain, we were able to pass around the camp unnoticed by them. When we reached the main road, we left a picket and moved on up the valley, but I was confused, and thought that we had moved down the valley. We passed on without molestation, but found on our return that we had passed a rebel picket, at a church where the road forked. Whether they knew of our presence, and kept quiet, in order that they might bage us later on, we of course could not tell. We moved on cautiously till we reached the gap, and after a short pause moved into it, which was as dark as it could be. A little way in there was a pile of rock, or mound, with a road on each side of it, and our files divided untill we had passed it, when we were halted in a loud voice that sounded like it had come from the clouds. The sentry fired his gunn, which sounded like a six pounder. there was no command given, the column simply about faced and got out of there as quietly as possible. Our horses semed to sents trouble, and of their own motion aboutfaced. when we had gotten some two hundred yards from the gap, a halt was called, and consultation had, which was that two videts were to be sent back into the gap to reconnortur, but realy to delay a pesuing squad till our column could get back to our pickets. Admire had the impudence to come back and ask me to be one of the men to be sacrifided. I came right out and told him what the object was, and said to him if he would furnish me with a godd mount I would go anywhere in the bounds of reason. He finaly selected two men with good horses, whom before going, I posted them so that they did not go into the gap, but waited out of sight for the column to move, which it did, and there was nothing slow about its going. At first my little mare fell behind, but warmed up to the work, so that I was quite up with the column when it reached our pickets, and turned up the mountain.
 
 The two soldiers that was sent back, followed quickly, and being well mounted were on hands when we got to a safe position, but they found the rebel picket at the church, but was able to dodge them. The rebels sent a squad from the gap, and one from down the valey and met close to where we assended the mountain, and indulge ina little fusilade, before they recognized each other, to which we listened attentivly from our safe position.
 
 It was nearley dawn when we reached camp, pretty baddly used up but awfully glad to escape slauter, or a rebel prison.
 
 We were not given much time for rest, or sleep. The entire brigade was ordered to pass over the same road that we had used, and attack the enimy, if there, and seize the gap. We found the enimy, and we had a sperited little battle, and sustained some loss, but we drove the rebels out of the valley, and on the following day attempted to force the gap, but failing to do so, our entire divission marched down the valley to "Blains Cross Roads" where there is a wide gap in Clinch mountain, and joined the persuing army up the valley. We had wasted much time in a fruitless, and impossible effort to get on Longstreets flank.
 
 Blains crossroads received its name from the fact that a number roads cross here, on account of a gap in the clinch mountains. The brake in the mountains is very abrupt, at either end. There is a space of prehaps of three quarters of a mile, that is quite level throgh which a creek of considerable force runs. Just why this gap should occur here, one who views it can onley conjectuere. It {is} evidently one of the freques of nature that frequently occures in these mountains. We onley tarried here a short time. but moved on in the rear of the armyup the river in the direction of Beans Station, opposite the gap that we had tried to force 48 hours before. We here come in contact with a very large agregation of soldiers as we thought at that time but small in comparison with what we afterwards saw. We here met some old regiments, such as the first KY cave, and the first Tenn cave, who were the most reclusivly brave as soldiers that I saw while in the service. All that these men wanted to know, was where the enemy was to be found, and they were sure to find them, and bring them in dead or alive. Nothing of great moment occured, and the evning of the second day we reached the Station, and went into camp, and sent out foraging parties in evry direction, except that of the enimy. I do not recall how long we were here. I remember that we gathered in a large pile of corn, and that we went up the calley some seven or eight miles, and engaged the enimy, evey day. As there was no order to throw up brestworks, or fortifications, we thought that we were quite safe from a general attack. Just who was to blame for this neglect, I never knew, or heard anyone say. later on that matter would not have been neglected. We were very short on clothing, and rations, which was met with a very healthy rumor that a suply train was neare us, which would give us all we wanted. 
 
 There came a day when we did not go out to visit Longstreets men, which we thought to be a little out of order, and wondered what the matter could be, but about noon we were fully advised as to the reason. Longstreet was coming to see us, and he was bringing nearly all of his family with him, and we soon found that the visit would not be a very pacific one. The real facts are that by noon we were hotly engaged, and men on both sids were being killed, and wounded by the hundreds. The fight was kept up till dark when we retreated down the valley, leaving our forage, and some our military equipment in the hands of the enimy. It was in this battle that I wun my spurs, but I was not aware that I did anything conspicuously brave. We retreated about four miles, and took a strong position, and held the enimy in check all of the next day and again retreated during the night, and reached Blains crossroads the next evening, where we found the infantry ready to receive our pursuers.
 
 This retreating was very exausting. On account of our wagon trains our progress was very slow. The second days march was 36 hours long, and during that time we had no rations, but lived on parched corn, when we were permitted to stop long enough to build a fire to parch it. The enimy kept close at our heels, and our rear guard had some very sperited encounters with them, and at times the outlook for us was not pleasing.
 
 At the crossroads we met the largest agrigation of soldiers that we had ever seen. Shermains divission was in line of battle behind brestworks that had been hastily prepared. Artillary bristled from every available elevation. To us it was a grand sight. We hoped that longstreet would attack us, but he was too wise to walk into our clever trap. We went into camp here, where we expected to remain for sometime. The next morning after we went into camp, the capt hand me an envelope, which contained an order for my promotion to the second Liutenancy, and directed me to take it to headquarters, which I did not knowing what the contents were, only a guess. That evning I received an order to go on duty at once, as a second Liut. In passing I will say that I did not get my commission till in march, and of course was only allowed orderly sergeants pay, at that time, but about 1888 congress past a law that enabled officers full pay for the time that they served as officers before they received their commissions, and of course I received my full pay.
 
 Contrary to our expectations, and desires, we were not allowed to remain in camp more than a week, till we were ordered to march. I think that it was on the 24{th} day of December that we left camp and marched to Strawberry plains, where we crossed the Holstine river and marched up the valley to Newmarket, and from there out in the country some six miles, to a gap in the hills, where the entire regiment was placed on picket.
 
 We were not forgetfull of the fact that this was Christmas eve and our minds and hearts were full of reminissences.
 
 It turned out very cold, and we were not allowed to put up tents, or go soundly to sleep. We were camped on a farm where we had plenty of dry rails, of which we made fires, and we would lie down before them and sleep till the fires would burn out, when we would get up and put on more rails. We had nothing to eat, save a little parched corn. Inspite of all these discomforts, the boys joked about the turkey dinners, which they knew would be served at home and related their experiences at the home for many years past. Language would fail me to describe our forlorn condition, and I will pass by saying that, at about ten oclock we got orders to march, which we were glad to do notwithstanding the severity of the cold, and the knawing of our stomaches. We passed throgh Newmarket, where we expected to get something to eat, but got nothing but promisses, that we would get rations at "Mossey Creek" where it was said there were large gristmills. It was almost night before we reached our destination, and very late before we could get flower and meal for supper. We remained here about two days, when a large part of the command marched over into the valley of the "French Broad" river, but before reaching our destination our commander got an intimation that Longstreet's forces were doing to pay us another visit, at our old camp, and the column was halted and remained in camp for several hours, undecided as to which way we should march. By two oclock the noise of battle in our rear was discouragingly loud. We finaly marched in the direction of the left flank of the enemies battle line, but did not reach the battlefield till the fight was over, and we went into camp in a woods pasture, which was thickly covered with small "jack oaks". This was the part of the battlefield that was ocupied by the first Tenn Cav, and bulet marks on the trees told us how sevier the conflict had been. So neare me was a dead confederate officer, as I sat by our campfire, that I coudl reach his body with my hand.
 
 The dead liut was clothed is a part of our uniforme, which he probbaly got out of our clothing suplies at Beanstation. After we got throgh with our supper, we dug a shallow grave, and burried the body, with as much respect and decency could be under the circumstancies would permit. The battle was a sevier one, our losses were very heavy. Two of our battrymen lay where thay had fallen, both of them had been as smoothely decapitated as if it had been done with a knife. The fight, and defeat was very credible to our brave soldiers. It was claimed that our flank movement saved the day to the federals.
 
 When we laid down that night it was quite warm, but cloudy, and being tired we slept soundly. Company headquarters was the onley tent erected. The entire regiment had laid down with nothing but their blankets over them. I was always an earley riser, even while in the army, and on this memorial morning assayed to get up at my regular time. Everything appeared to be remarkably quiet which was more apparent when I pulled the tent flap back and discovered that nearly a foot of snow had fallen during the night. Not a human being was in sight, and the onley indication of a living presence was the humocks in the snow, and that there was at least one soldier under these snow hillocks was eresistable.
 
 I never saw a more dreary perspective. I am not given to hesitation when confronted with a despirate situation, but on this occasion I would have been pleased if somebody elce had taken the innitiative. In order that a fire be built, it was necessary to do things. First to cleare away the snow, and prepare a place for a fire, without a shovel or anything to do it with. When the snow shouuld be cleared away, where was the wood to come from. After much work, and wading of snow, I finally got a fire going, that would cook a little breckfast. Many of the soldiers did not attempt to get up till noon, and after, but who could blame them. The enimy was just as much handicapped as we were, and there was no danger.
 
 The following day after the snow, the weather turned very cold and we had to hustle for some kind of bedding. We had nothing but pup tents to shelter us from the weather, and three of us had to croud into one of these little tents. The "middle man" of course faired reasonably well, but the outside man had to take the cold on one side. The space was so small that when we turned over, all had to turn at once, in this way the outside man was able to warm a side at a time. The first day of Jan 1864 was said to be the coldest that had occured in the knowledge of the oldest inhabitant. our people at home shivered all day around their fires, and could do nothing but replenish the fires, and feed the stock, and thought that they had a very hard time, but us poor fellows had no way of warming our bodies, but to stand around a green wood fire, and to make the situation all the worst was the fact that many of our men had no overcoats, and no tents. Some were without shoes, and others had worn their pants so long that they were practicaly reduced to rags.
 
 We were finaly removed to a wooded hollow, neare "mossey creek", where we wer better protectd from the cold wind. The cold continued all throgh Jan. For those who were without shoes, or tents we kept great logheaps burning, around which they would huddle to keep warm. Some of them got so close that they burned their clothing, and it was not uncommon to see a soldier with his coatial burned off. The government could not furnish us with anything more that sugar and coffee, and occasionaly a few hardtac. For bread we had to get flower and meal from the mill, out of which we made a stiff dough, which we impaled on a sharpened stick, or upon a ramrod, and held it to the fire till it browned. The cornmeal we made into a dough, and baked it in a frying pan, if we had one otherwise on a stone or in the ashes. There was one man in my company, who had no shoes the most of the winter, and yet he never missed a fight, a scout, or a foraging squad. He managed in some way to protect his feet with old peices of army blankets. The commanding officer of the army sent a regular army maj to our camp to inspect us, whom we were very carefull to stear to the logheap loafers. He was a very careful inspector, and wanted to see with his own eyes every condition. He was quite inquisitive with the boys, asking them about their clothing, and their food. Fortunately it was neare the dinner hour, and some of the boys were parching corn, while others were roasting their dough. He wanted to know what they are going to have for supper, to which they answered if there is anything left over we will probably eat it, but if there is not we will do without. The commander of the regiment invited him to stay for dinner, and set before him hardtac and coffee. The maj thought that was pretty hard grub for the commander of a regiment to subsist upon, to which the col answered that he was fortunate to have that much. That it was much better than the food that his men had to live upon. With all of these privations, and hardships. I do not recall that I ever heard a serious complaint. At the close of the month, the weather warmed up, and Feb brought us very mild weather, and of course things commenced to move, and it wasent long till we had orders to march. The bridge at Strawberry Plains was completed, and our hearts were gladened by the news that a train load of comissary suplies had arrived at Newmarket, and we got something to eat for about a day, when we were moved over to a little town in the "Frenchbroad valley" where we could get forage for our horses, but unfortunately for us Longstreet did the same thing. He also wanted forage, and lots of it, and of course it was not possible for both armies to indulge in amicable relations very long. We ocupied the town, which was called Dandrige. 
 
 We had not been here but a few days, when our commanding officer ordered us to make a reconoisance in force to see what our neighbors were doing. We found them ready to receive us and did it in a very hostile manner; In fact, our regiment ran a very close call and it was seriously feared that we were candidates for Andersonville. Under the leadership of a rash officer, we came very nearly running into an ambush; and it was onley by the shrewdest management that we were able to withdraw our forces.
 
 It was Sunday morning. The weather had the balm of spring. Of course we kept no account of time; but the weather was so calm, and the sun shone so brightly, that that a sabath day presence was evrywhere. If a church bell had rung out its chimes many would have moved their heads in reverential thankfullness. There had been a pile of corn thrown down on the ground for use, as needed; passing by it I stopped to think, and the more I thought, the more convinced I became, that that corn would be baddly needed at some future time. I got busy at once, and soon had a peck of it shelled in a piece of tent, and strapped to my saddle. I did not think that I was doing anything extraordinary; til heard one of my company declare that there would be a battle before night, and when asked for his authority, said that Lieut Carter was putting up corn for his horse.
 
 I remember that it was nearly dinner time when the regimental orderly passed along the company lines with orders to the officer to prepare for immediate action, and a few minuts afterwards the bugle call for boots and saddles was sounded; and in less than 30 minuts we strood at our horses heads ready to mount, which we did in short order, and moved out to the suposed battle line, without our dinner, which was unfortunate, as we got little to eat that and less the next morning.
 
 We did not have to wait long for the enimy to appeare. The fight was on on th eright before we left camp. We were placed in line on the south side of a deep gorge, about a mile from town; on the other side of which the enimy soon put in an appearance.
 
 We finaly crossed this gorge, and confronted the enimy, and charged his line of battle, before which the rebel forces gave way, and was soon in full retreat, but halted about a mile to the rear, and formed his line of battle, and came at us with such vigor that we had to retreat in some disorder, to our original line. The afternoon was spent in charges and counter charges; without any great loss on either side. In this fight there were four Ind regiments in a continuous line of battle, all of which were mounted. 
 
 When night came on we held our original position. While the enimy lined up on the other side of the chasm. In forming their lines the rebels got into a fight -- by mistake -- among themselves, to which we listened with much amusement. We knew that there was a large force of infantry behind us, and we felt assured that on the morrow the infantry would take our place, and we would go into the flank. We argued that Longstreet had ordered us around about long enough; and that we thought we were able to fight him, that job should be attended to right here. We were ordered to build extra fires; which which we construed was for the purpose of deceiving the enimy, as to our movement to the flank; but when our column was moved to the rear, leaving onley a skirmish line, matters began to look a little shakey; but when we got into the town, and saw the infantry headed for Knoxville, we were badly demoralized. We marched all night by the way of Newmarket; while the infantry took the direct road to Strawberry Plains. At Newmarket we found a large supply of pork, of which we were ordered to take freely; and as we were mounted, our suplies were abundent.
 
 We reached Strawberry Plains in the afternoon; and crossed the bridge before dark, and went into camp, in the woods nearby. The rear guard came in late in the evening; and work was commenced at once to wreck the bridge, which had been completed but a few days.
 
 When we awoke in the morning we found that a few inches of snow had fallen during the night, and the whole outlook was most dreary. Our horses had had but little to eat since the morning of the day before, and of course were now ravenously hungry. I went out to my little mare, who never failed to greet me with a glad whinny; and undid my peck of corn, and gave her a quart or so of it. 
 
 The other horses saw that she was eating, and set up a great racket of pawing and nahing. Mine was the onley horse that had anything to eat that morning, and I felt quite proud of my thoughtfulnes in saving the corn for her. We did not tarry long here, but marched directly to Knoxville, where we arrived in the earley afternoon, and went and went into camp for the night; but the next day crossed the river, and went into camp in a heavy layer of timber. In about three days we made a forced march into Marysville; to relieve Col ___ of the first K Y, who was commanding a small brigade, which the rebels had surrounded, and then cut his way out, as he had done this time, before we could reach him. 
 
 We could do nothing more than march back to our camp. In our hurry to secure Wolford, we had not made any arrangements for commisary suplies, and we were almost starved. A lot of us went into a building, where comisary suplies had been kept; and the floor was covered two feet deep with spoiled hardtac, and then tramped over with mudy feet. We dug down into this mouldy heap, and picked pieces of hardtac, which we ate greadily; and I do not think that I ever ate anything that tasted so good. In a short time we were ordered to turn over our "crobates" of horses to the quarter master.
 
 The officers had the privelege of retaining their horses, which pleased me greatly, as I was attached to my little mare. I got a member of my company to take my mount, and use her; as he was an orderly at headquarters, and had to make trips out into the country, he could find some forage for her. The fourth Ind calvary was also dismounted. We were not allowed to remain in camp but a few days till we got orders to march afoot, some 25 miles to relieve Wolford, who had again gotten into trouble. There is nothing that demoralizes a calveryman so much as that of being deprived of his horse. He enlisted as a calveryman, and he expects to serve as such. The carrying of side arms afoot is very cumbersom, and useless. Of course we had no such impediments; but having rode a horse for nearly a year we were not prepared for a forced march. We left camp in the afternoon, and marched late into the night, and was up at sunup, and kept up a quick step til late in the afternoon, when when we went into camp on a beautiful stream of water which proved to be the end of our forced march. Up to this time we had not been aware of the presence of an armed force of either army, but we could not get away from the impression that the enimy was not far away. We were ordered to police camps, which indicated that our stay was somewhat indefinite. The fact that we were ordered to use a liberal amount of fuel in our campfires awoke a feeling of aprehension amoung the rank and file. I think that it was about twelve oclock, when an orderly notified the officers to prepare to march, without the call of the bugle, but to move out as quietly as possible. This kind of a hint always commands the attention, and strict obedience of all old soldiers. This kind of an order indicated that there was an enimy very close to us, and that our safety lay in our ability to get as far away as possible, while the enimy slept. In a very short time we were in column, and marching with a quick step back on the road over which we had marched a few hours before. There is nothing that is more impressive, than a forced march in the solumn night, in close proximity to an agresive enimy.
 
 The vary air semed pregnient with iminant danger. There was no necesity for the officers to tell us in words that we were in a dangerous situation; we could read it in their action, and in their faces. All night long we marched, and there was no hesitatation about that march. We would have to put at least fifteen miles behind us before we should pass the line of the enimy on the other side of the river, and we must do that before daylight. On this occassion we needed no rear gard, as is usualy the case. The whole command had been in the army too long to take any chances in stragling strategy. About 8 oclock we were halted for a short time, to eat a lunch and get water. There was plenty of water, but the lunches were very small, if any. Demorilisation was now very apparent; especialy among the cavelry. Some of te boys broke their swords, and threw them away. We marched continuously til about 4 P M when we passed thrue a gap in the mountains, that surounded Knoxville, some 8 miles from the city; where the commanding officer gave the order, "in places rest." This order was obeyed with military promptness, and the entire command was soon down by the road side and nearely all were assleep, without any regard to the quality of the ground on which they lay. The fact that we had no rations inspired us to awake and move on in the direction of something to eat. Most of the command got into camp before dark, but those who tarry for a little more rest and sleep, did not get in till very late into the night. I do not remember just how long we remained here; but I do remember that we were hungry nearley all of the time. The little beef or pork that we drew from the commissary, was so poor that there was no nutriment in it. The pork would not fry itself; the animal having used up all of the oil in it to sustin life, there was nothing left but the fiber, and the same condition was true as to the beef.
 
 During this time I had managed to keep my little mare, of which I was very proud, and much attached. I remember that for seven days and nights I had no forage of any kind to give her, and I had to keep out of sight so that she would not whinney at me for something to eat. I would get some one of the boys to move her from place to place so that she could get frech brush to brouse upon. I finally got so desparate, that I went out about a half a mile to where there was a residence, and some outbuildongs, with the hope that I might find some fcorn husks or fodder. I found the husks and a little corn, but I took a desperate chance, as there was a gard on the premises, and the onley reason that I was not arrested was that the gard was at supper; but he got out in time to arrest the sergeant Maj, whom he caught in the act. Had I been arrestedit would have gone hard with me, as I was an acting commissiond officer; and it is possible that my commission would have been held.
 
 We were finaly ordered to draw horses again, but not our old ones but if anything a worse lot than we turned over 30 days before. I was now prouder than ever of my mount. She was one of three left of the old set of horses. There was little cerimony, or choice in the horses that we drue. The boys took them because the officers told them to do so. Nor did we tary long after the drawing, but in 24 hours we were mounted and going south, in quest of forage for horses and men. It was now about the first week in March; and at that time of the year, in that country, weather conditions are very uncertain. I remember that we had not traveled more than four miles from the city, when one of those characteristic downpores set upon us; an increased till it semed as thogh the floodgates of heaven had been opened. The roads soon became regular quagmires, into which many of our old horses plunged, never to rise again.
 
 When a horse woould fall, his rider would strip saddle and accuterments from his back, and shoulder them and follow the column, if left behind the price of them would be taken out of his pay. Late in the evening we reached the river, and went into camp. The weather cleared up, and having a beautiful camping ground, and plenty of good water close by; we felt quite comfortable in spite of the distressinly short rations that the government afforded us. 
 
 While here, the captain and I were made hapy by being able to buy 25 lbs of bacon from the comisary. The first that I had seen in more than three months. We got a good supper out of it, and that was all. When we went to bed we were very careful to put it under our heads; but in the morning there was no bacon there, not even the smell of it. We never got any trace of it; and I have an idea that it was cooked, and eat directly after the theft was accomplished.
 
 We soon found that there was no forage in this valley; and after campng here about 10 days, we got orders to march back to Knoxville. Nearly half of our men were dismounted, and many of them had to carrey their horse accuterments on their backs. Our command was now badly demoralized. Since our arrival into East Tenn we had been almost constantly in the saddle; marching much of the time day and night. It often occured that we were not given time to cook and eat the small rations that we were able to collect.
 
 Most of the time we had been on or near the battle line. We had moved up and down the valley; semingly to us to the behest of our enimy. We had sene large columns of our troops; who when we thought a battle should occur, would sudenly melt away and we would have to follow these, to us formidible columns, as rear guards. For miles around Knoxville, the stench of dead horses, and mules was ever present. The country was striped of forage for the starving horses and of food for the soldiers. It was no wonder that we were discouraged and disheartened.
 
 The second day we marched into Knoxville, as we had done many times during the winter, and went into camp for anbout two days. When we marched out of the city for the last time, in the direction of Loudon, which has been heretofore described several times. We were informed that we would be under eh immediate command of General Granger. We reached Loudon the evening of the second day, and crossed the river on the pontoon bridge, and camped near the village, and the next morning drew what was called a full ration, which was the first time that we had done so since leavig KY in August.
 
 We found that we could not consume our rations. The boys said that our stomachs had contracted too much to contain full rations and we would have to expand them by degrees, and I think that there was more truth than poetry in the proposition. We remained here about three days, when we marched to a station called Sweetwater on the railroad, and from there east into the country about 25 miles to an old town called Madisonville. The country around the town for miles is comparatively level, and evidently a good farming country. In a few days after our arrival our company (E) was detailed as provo guards, and quartered in the courthouse. Nothing of any great importance occured while we were here. The paymaster met us here for the first time in about six months, and of course we had plenty of money, for a time at least. On the 21st day of March I received my commission, and went to Knoxville for muster and procured my Lieut uniform. When the paymaster left us I was ordered to take 25 men and escort him to the railroad station at Sweetwater; which I considered to be a very important responsibility. On this trip my horse stumbled and turned a complete summerset, and landed in the corner of a fence with feet in the air, and my right leg under the saddle; from which the boys rescued me by raising the horse by the tail long enough foor me to withddraw my leg. I was not hurt, and mounted immediately, and rode on. 
 
 The whole regiment semed to have gotten the idea that in recognition of the fact of our continued long hardships, and continuous campaigning during the winter, we would be removed to some important point and do garrison duty during the summer, and a regimental order was issued for all of the officers to procure new uniforms throughout, and all who did not have them, get side arms, and a Capt (Mass) who had resigned on account of age was ordered to make the purchase. In passing I will say that very little of the stuff ever reached the regiment. They last mounted service that I was permitted to perform, was a picket on outpost about 18 miles from Madisonville, near the N C line. I had about twenty men in my squad. We had a splendid camping ground, on a mountain stream. The people were pretty strongly union; and our prospects for a good time were very bright indeed. But alas for us; we had onley been there for a few days, when a picket was sent out to relieve us, and I was ordered to march at once for headquarters; which I did much puzzled to know what there was in it; but did not have long to wait after getting to camp. Orders came to us to turn over our horses without reserve, even for the officers. This was a new deal, but our grapevine news agent got busy, and soon located us at some important point, where where we would be required to do post duty, and play soldiers.
 
 It did not take long to dispose of our mounts, and get vouchers for them, and then we were ready to go, and there was no delay about it. We marched somewhat hurriedly to Sweetwater station, and went into camp near the depot; and our news agent got busy agian; and placed us there for the summer. To this report even the officers semed to give some credence. Regimental orders came at once for us to police quarters, and put up tents; which we went at with a will; and in a day or so evrything was in applepie order. At the end of the third day we we received orders to march the next morning at six oclock; but no mention was made as to the direction, and as our news agent was not to be found, we were solidly against it.
 
 All that a soldier has to do in cases like this is to wait, and he is liable to get more information than he wants. It will suffice to say that we marched the next morning; not exactly on time, but we marched; and we marched south, and as we knew that General Sherman's army was not very far away, and that his forces were already fighting, we did not have to run around hunting for possibilities, and ariving at conclussions. On the evning of the second day we passed through a town, the name of which I can not recallnow; and passing beyond it a few miles, went into camp on the bankcs of the Hiwossie river; a very beautiful place, and of some interest to me, on account of the fact that my grandmother had lived somewhere on this river when my mother was a baby. Nothing of great importance occured here. I think that we got some clothing supplies here. Six regiments of new Ind troops were quartered here, having arrived some days before us. This was what was called Hovey's brigade, and was some times known as Gen Hovey's brigade. Before leaving here our company wagons were all turned over, and onley one wagon was alowed to each regiment, and that was to be used for transportating the officers baggage; and even that was very much reduced. The officers had to carry their own rations. 
 
 When we prepared to march, I and the Capt had some controversy, as to who was to carry the bacon. I had put my new uniform in the wagon, and had donned my old privates suit, and the Capt thought I would not be damaged greatly if I carried the bacon. The day was very warm, and that is all the reader will have to know to understand what the condition of my clothing was in after carrying some ten pounds of bacon all day. We were to carry the bacon day about; and the next morning I layed the bacon before the Capt, and after he had viewed it for a minut, he said now let us reason together for awhile about this important matter. He said "now your clothes are already greased, and it would be too bad for both of us to be soiled in that way. After considerable controversy it was agreed that I should hire the first negro that was available. 
 
 We had not marched more than a mile or so till I saw a negro man at the side of the road, with whom I struck a bargain at once, and delivered the bacon to him, and directed him to go to the captain and get the balance of our culinary supplies, but I could not deliver the grease I had extracted from the bacon.
 
 In about two days we were in line of battle on the extreme left of General Sherman's army; where we were not permitted to remain idle more than a day or two. When we formed a part of two columns of soldiers, consisting of possibly 15,000 men, that was to make a right half wheel, and attack a fort on the right side of the enimys fortifications. While the right of our columns did not march over a mile, our left possibly marched five miles or more. It took all dayto make the march. We passed over all kinds of obstructions such as fallen timber, clifts and deep gorges. Apparently there was not a foot of level ground, and the underbrush was almost impenetratable; and yet we had to maintaine a semblance of a line of battle, and kep both lines within a hundred yards of each other.
 
 About six oclock we arrived within one hundred yards of the slashing in front of the fort. Upt to this time we had not seen a single enimy, but had heard some firing by the cavelry on our left.
 
 The rear column halted about one hundred yards in the rear. It had been a hard days march, and we willingly layed down in our places when the signal was given. More than a mile of the two lines was now in full view, in the direction of "Bald Knob:, which was the highest point in the range of low mountains. Our signal corps was stationed here; and Gen Sherman, and many prominent army officers took their station here to watch, and direct the movement, which was reported by them to have been the finest that they had ever witnessed. The fact that our orders came to us along the line with the utmost caution, admonished us that there was iminant danger in front. While it was true that we could see no one, we knew that our neighbors were at home and ready to receive us in a very hostile manner; and our officers concluded that it was not best to make our call at that time of the day, and orders were passed along the line to lay down on our arms, heads to the rear, with our arms so arranged that when we arose to our feet we would have our guns at a ready to fire. We were cautioned not to rattle our canteens against our guns, or to speak above a monotone of voice. When it was dark, a certain number of men were to take as many canteens as they could carry and supply their comrades with water for the night. 
 
 Then we would probably be ordered to charge the fort as earley as four oclock in the morning, which would be announced by a signal gun on bald knob, and when we heard that signal, evry man was to rise, and march at a double quick, for the fort. The civilian can not even aproximate the terable straine that such a situation imposes. I lay down in line with my comrads and close to many of my old schoolmatesand friends, and was an attentive listener to the whispered conversations that were carried on in the earley part of the night. Many of them had a preminition that they would fall in the charge on the morrow. Some gave directions as to what should be written to their friends if they should be killed. Others scribbled name, company and regiment upon a piece of paper and pinned it to their clothing. While a few went to sleep immediately, and slept all night, some of them, in their talk in their sleep, semed to be dreaming of home, and talking to loved ones. I was always a light sleeper, and was awake many times during the night, and was fully awake at about foour oclock. Having no watch, I measured the time by the crowing of a cockerel, that had escaped the conscription of both armies, and as that was the onley sound of the kind that I heard, I concluded that he was onoey one that had survived. The voice of that chanticular had a very lonesome effect on me I assure you.
 
 But it was sweet music in comparison with that other sound that I was listening for. Very few of the men apparently awoke at the appointed time. The time slowley dragged on, and there was no gun fired, and nothing to indicate that a great battle was to be fought. Looking to the East a faint glow appeared, that indicated that a new day was daughning upon us. In that mountaneaous country, daylight comes slowly, and it was at least an hour before the god of day showed his smiling face; and when he shed his first reys, they fell upon two lines of battle, lying upon the ground as arranged the night before; and yet there was no indications that a battle was to be fought. At about seven oclock word was passed along the line to eat our breakfast, but to make no noise. We could hear little sound coming from our neighbors, which indicated to us that they too were on their good behavior. At half past 8 oclock word was passed along the line for the front column to rise at a given signal, and about face and march to the rear, passing over the rear line, and halt and lie down one hundred yards to the rear, but the same precaution as to noise was enjoined. When we got settled in this position, then the front line performed the same manuever, which we continued alternately three times. When we got orders to brake into columns of regts to the rear; which we continued for some distance, in regular military order; which we finaly changed to the route step, and by four oclock we were in our old camp, and very tired and hungry. The fact that there was rumors that a movement was being made to the rear made us feel that there would be something doing in our camp soon; and we were not left to guess at it very long. We soon found out that our movement on the fort was not intended to be a fight, but was made for the purpose of holding the rebels, while Gen McFerson made a lodgement on the railroad, some thirty miles in the rear of Johnson's army.
 
 The rebels evidently understood our maneuver, and just as careful not to provoke a fight as we were.
 Before night had set in, we received orders to prepare to march the next morning at six oclock, and to prepare five days rations during the night, which would keep our cooks busy all night. Our negro cook had proved to be very faithfull, and we had no concern about our rations. By eight oclock the next morning we were in line and marching, in the rear of Gen Thomas'es corps; and for many hours we were in hearing of what sounded to us as a hard battle. That our movement was a very important one was indicated by the vigor of our movements. We must have covered some 18 miles that day, and went into camp near the mouth of what was called snake creek gap which is a narrow valley running between two mountain ridges, and was perhaps four or five miles long. The road ran throgh, and along the creek, and had never been used other than a neighborhood road, and of course our pionneer forces had very arduous work to perform. About four oclock the next day we passed out of the gap into a level creek bottom where we had a partial view of a grand army marching. Our situation was now southwest of Resaca, where a hard battle was to be fought, during the next two days. A battle semed to be raging at that time in the front. My regiment was ordered to march out on the Dolton road, and act as a picket in that direction. This was the road that the rebels at Dalton would have to march over to reach the miane army at Resacka, hence a strong picket was necessary. The rebel column did not pass near us and we were left in place during the night. In the morning we were advised that a fierce battle was on by nine oclock, but for some unaccountable reason we were not ordered in, notwithstanding the fact that our (the 23 corps were leading the battle, and suffering sevier losses.) At two oclock Gen Willicks brigade found us and had us fall in on the right of his brigade.
 
 He said to us in broken Duch: "Fall in I takes you into de fight; and he was as good as his word. We marched in line of battle, guided by the sound of, which had advanced more than a mile since morning. We stayed with Wilick till we reached the outer line of works, that had been taken by our corps in the fore noon, and were in direct line with the with the artillary fire of the rebels, whose shells that ranged too high to strike our front line, passed over to us and exploded among us but did little damage to us other than to keep us dodging. The general left us here to find our way to our divission, which which was a mile in our front. It must have been five oclock, when we took the place of a regiment that had fought all day, and had suffered greatly. In front of our position was several batteries, situated on a high ridge, and these guns did great damage when the gunners succeeded in firing them; and to prevent them from doing that, we had to sharpshoot the gunners and keep them down. Our position was also on a high ridge, with a narrow valley between us and the rebels. Our main line was consealed just behind the crest, onto which men were sent as sharpshooters to pay their attention to the rebel gunners. The rebels also had sharpshooters, who were very complimentary, and our men were onley safe when they had a tree between them and the front. Here we lost one of our best soldiers (James Clark), but no other serious casualties. Just before night the firing ceased along our line, but twas very vigorous on our left, where an assaulting column of the rebels was defeated with great loss. While it was yet daylight I got a good view of the valley, and our lines in two columns, close up to the rebel works; but did not seme to be fighting, as there was no sound of battle on either side. In fact after the rebel repulse on our left, there was very little firing anywhere. The generals on both sides were evidently planing for the great contest that was sure to follow on the morrow.
 
 Just after dark we were relieved, and marched immediately to the rear, about a mile I should judge, passing throgh a field hospital enrout. Probably a hospital ground would be more proper, as there was nothing there but the ground as yet; five acres of which half had been laid out in squares, streets and alies, and the dead, and the dead and wounded places where the tents would be erected, when they should arrive from the rear. From piles of limbs we knew that the surgeons were already busy, and doing their work by very dim lights. Looking at the situation now from a scientific point, it is a wonder that so many of our mamed comrads lived throgh thes crude operations. We were halted in line of battle, but not near the fighting line. We afterwards learned that our corps formed a hollow square around the wagon trains of the army. We also learned early in the morning that Joe Hooker was to lead the fight that day on the salient of the enimy, which was the now celebrated sunken fort. If he should succeed in taking that, the rebel line would be broken and a disastrous defeat incured for the rebel army. All day long til 4 oclock the battle raged with varryied results. While Hooker did not succeed in taken the "sunken fort" he did succeed in silencing the guns; for the posession of which hundreds of men perished, and the guns were so riddled with shot and shell they were wortthless to us the next morning when they fell into our hands. About 4 oclock the firing ceased, and a very impressive calm settled down upon us. By this time a blue haze had enveloped the battlefield, which was the result of powdersmoke. The ambulance now go tbusy, and made a constant dull roar, that to us appeared like a mournful funeral sound.
 
 When the darkness of night closed around us this mournfull sound continued till about 9 oclock. At ten oclock we laid down on our arms, and was soon asleep; from which we were awaked at 11:15 by a sudent unearthly roar of artillery first, followed by that of musketry, all of which lasted about 20 minuts, and then ceased as sudenly as it had begun. Years afterwards in Iowa, I met an ex-confederate soldier, who was there, and he said that the uproar was caused by the Georgia malitia, who got scared at the lightning bugs, that were very thick that night; but I think that Johnson was preparing to retreat, and ordered the firing to impress us with the idea that the enimy would be found in the morning, ready for business. I do not think that it fooled gen Sherman, judging by the promptness with which he followed the rebel army in the next morning. We had no further disturbances that night, and when we awoke in the morning we soon found that there was no enimy before us. By nine oclock we were in line of battle and ready to march.
 
 A detail of men from each regiment was made to burry the dead; amoung which was some of my company, and saw the sunken fort, with its piles of dead from both armies, which they discribed as the sickning sight that they ever saw, and hoped that they would never witness such again. We marched along the outer edge of the battle field, and the stench was so great that I had no desire to get closer to it. Our corps crossed the river marched on a parallel, but several miles north east of the center; which as usual was comanded by Gen Thomas; with Gen McFerson on the right. About noon we came to a small, but deep river, that delayed us some time in crossing. Here I got into conversation with a negro man who displayed more intelligence than any man that I met in Georgia. He said that there was an old lady living in that part of the country, who had a half dozen sons in Brags army at the time of the Chickamoga fight, and she was in the habit of taking in a pack horse load of provission, when ever she could reach them, and she made one of her visits while the battle was going on, and while there the rebels brought in some of our cavelrymen; who always presented a clean nice appearance, and were usually fine looking men. She returned to her home, very much discouraged. She told her neighbors that the south could never whip them thar yankees. She said that them prisnors were fine looking men, and that they stood up and looked so brave by the side of the southern soldiers, who looked more like prisoners, than did the yanks. She said that she did not believe they could ever whip such men as that.
 
 After crossing the river, which I believe was called the "Coosey" we marched till late in the evening, but saw no enimy, and to all apparencies was as peacfull as could be. But the center and the right wing were having some fighting all of the time, as those commands marched in the immediate rear of the retreating army. 
 
 We did not see any of the balance of the army till we got to Cartersville, on the Etowa, where we met a part of the center. Gen Sherman thought of crossing the river here, and taking Altoona, a very strong rebel position on the other side, just beyond a gapin a high range of hills. This is an old southern town, situated on the railroad, and surrounded by a very good country. I think that we remained here four or five days, resting, and getting supplies. It was claimed that Gen Sherman was here, but I did not see him. I was very much indisposed for the first time, while I was in the service up to this time, but kept on foot till we got orders to march, when I applied for medicine, and a ride in the ambulance but when I reported there was so many that were worse off than I was that I went back to my regiment and marched with the column. Instead of crossing the river, we downit till we came to a pontoon bridge, that had been laid by Gen Hookers command.
 
 After crossing the river we moved on throgh a low range of hills with small farms scatered throgh them. At noon we halted for dinner, and to wait for the road to be cleared ahead of us. While we were resting, and preparing for our meal, some of the boys were on the lookout for a porker, and while doing so stumbled on to some lumber that was half covered with leavs, under which they found a hole in the ground, in which they found taned hides, mixed with corn in the ear. They took out more than a wagon load of the hides, but did not reach the bottom. Just how this deposit came there was a puzzeler. There was no sign that a wheled vehickle had ever been there, and we could not determine how long since the deposit been made. Just as the interest had reached a fever heat, a fierce canonading broke loose in the front some miles away, and evry man was called into line at once. The volumn of sound clearly indicated that a fierce battle was being fought. We onley marched about two miles, when we found that the road was blocked with wagons, and we could do nothing but stand in line, and wait. Heavy clouds obscured the heavens, and darkness came on earley, and with it a downpore of rain which continued all night. We could do nothing but stand or squat in our places and take the rain. The darkness was apauling, and exceeded anything that any of us had ever witnessed. When daylight came we were a pitiful looking set of men.
 
 When the wagons got out of our way, we took up the line of march and soon came to "Pumpkinvine creek" from which the battle took its name in history. We did not march but a few miles till we came in sight of the battlefield, and got sight of the dead and wounded of which there were several hundred. Hooker had run into an ambush of masked batterys, which mowed his men down before he could get a position to return the fire.
 
 The dead and wounded laying prone on the ground, drenched by a terable downpore of the night before presented a gastly spectacle, from which we were glad to escape. In that country the wooded is almost an impenitratable tangle of underbrush, of which we had a very practical illustration. The previous battle had been fought on open farmland; on the east of which we formed our marching line, facing the tangle of brush. As soon as our lines (2) was formed we were ordered foward, into which we at once commenced to fight our way. For hours we struggled on, tearing clothing, and lacerating our bodies, but there was no turning aside, or going around. When a line of battle is formed it must be preserved. After four or five hours of hard work we succeeded in reaching open woods, where we halted to get a bite to eat, but soon resumed our march, and finaly came out into a farming country. 
 
 We had no idea where we were, or what or what part of the battle line our corps was situated, in fact we had been practically lost in the woods, but were not lost to our commanding officers.
 
 We moved on slowly till about 5 oclock, when we were halted on the crest of a ridge, where we were oderd to rest in places, and await orders. Up to this time we had not met an enimy, or hear a gun fire in our immediate front. We did not have to wait long for orders. The engineers passed along in our front, and staked out for a line of works, and of course we got busy at once, and when night set we had a respectable line of defense, made of rails, and logs. Shermans army was now vetterans, and fully undestood the importance of some protection, when in the immediate presence of a corageous, and persistant foe.
 
 For ten days we remained behind our works, fighting more or less evry day with our skirmish lines, wihout very much loss except from the enimies sharp shooters, but there was some very hard fighting on other portion of our line of defense, which was about 15 miles long. History records fighting at "Pumpkin vine"; Dallas; "Newhope Church". I never knew just where Dallas, or Newhope Church was located, but know that they were all in our immediate vicinity. My disability incured at Cartersville continued, and grew worse, till I had to go {to} the field hospital during the seige, but onley remained about two days, till I went back to the command.
 
 On a sunday morning, (I do not recall the exact date but I think that it was after the fifth of june, we received mail from the north, for the first time since leaving Madisonville, and it was being distributed from our company. Some of {the boys} had received as much as a half dozzen letters, and of course were greatly interested in them. 
 
 There had been no firing on either side, and an ideal sabath was present evrywhere. Instainusly a terific explosion occure just over, and about six feet above us. My whole company, and a part of company G were more or less stuned. A peirsing scream from Tan Moore caused me to look up, to see whether it was in fun. He had just been telling what his little daughter had writen to him, and was of course in a splendid good humor, which was his natural trait of character. When I saw the expression of his face I saw that there was no fun in him now. The facts were that he was mortaly hurt. A piece of shell had crushed the bones of his leg to the hip joint. Some others in co{mpany} G had been wounded, and two killed outright. Moore was taken to the hospital, where his leg was taken off, but he died that night, and he now sleeps in an unknown grave. There was no other firing after th explossion of the shell, and we could never account for that.
 
 Our neighbors did no firing that or the next day, not withstanding we frequently proded them with shot and shell. The rebel works remained as silent as if they had been entirely dezerted.
 
 That the enimy was trying to induce us to charge their lines, was fully demonstrated when, about five oclock, he turned about 150 pieces of artillary lose upon our lines, first with solid shot, then with shell and grape. The firing lasted about 30 minuts but did little damge. We were too well protected. The greater part of the damage occured in the rear, among the teams, and camp followers. Two shells passed throgh Gen Cox's tent (our divission commander) which was located at what we called the depot. Our cooks (officers) were stationed here, and as soon as the fire slackened, I went back to look after ours. I will onley say that I found our provission, and our cooking outfit, but no cook, nor did I ever see him afterwards. The firing was too much for him, but he was kind enough to leave our grub, and pay for a moinths service where we could get the former and keep the latter.
 
 I did not blame the negro for running away. If he had been wounded there was no place for him, nor no one to take care of him.
 
 About this time the dysentery set in on me, besids I had a bad cough, which prevented me from sleeping at night, or resting in the daytime, and I was again ordered to the field hospital, and from there to Alitoona pass, where I grew worse. The hospital here was so badly crowded that an old woodshed had to be used for a hospital, where the sick were simply laid out on the ground in the dust and klitter. There was not enough attendants to afford necesary saintary relief. Tents were finaly provided, and the sick removed to them. The wounded were continualy coming in from the front, some of them having died on the way. I remember that one rainy morning I lay in my tent, and looked out to where two soldiers lay under a blanket, with the rain poring down upon them. 
 
 I could have known that there was life there. It was ten oclock before any attention was paid to them, when a burrial squod came and removed the covering, when it was all plaine enough. That blanket covered two dead soldiers. Soldiers who went out to fight for their country, and return to enjoy its glory, and its prosperity ans the grand privilege of being an american. Thus passed away thousands, who to day are regarded as having simply been unfortunate, or that they ought to have better luck, but the unanswed fact remains that great wars cannot be fought without some body dying, either of wounds, or of disease, largely the latter.
 
 Here the sick and wounded were examined with a view of sending all of the worst cases to the rear. When the surgeon reached me he had no trouble in disposing of my case, and I was ordered to the officers hospital on Lookout mountain, to which I was transported in a box car. No one but sick, or wounded soldier can appriciate the torture, and hardships incident to transportation of this charactor. We all arrived at Chattanooga, in a very exausted condition, late at night, where we were put into a hospital, and the next morning removed to Lookout mountain. There were about six hundred officers here, ranging from lieut's to Dol's. Here I became very much worse, and ofr several weeks was unable to get out of my room. In fact the attending surgeon dispared of my recovery for several days, and if I had folowed his treatment I surely should have died, but I was fortunate in the steward of my ward, who had been an attendant in a hospital in Lowel mass, and had learned much about diseases. He disregarded the treadment of the doctor, by thowing the doses into the fireplace, and using simple remedies of his own. But the doctor never knew, and when I was finaly
 able to get out, he came into my room, and congratulated me on my recovery, and complementing himself for the treatment he had given me; saying that he expected at one time that I would be carried out feet foremost. I have no doubt but that many a brave soldiers life was sacrificed by ignorant physicians, who simply would not let nature do her perfect work in building up a worn down physical organism. This doctor provided me with two tonics, which were very strong, with orders to take them alternately evry hour. I believe that if I had taken either of these tonics as directed, I would not have the privilege of writitng these notes. Besids a bad cough, I had a bad case of dysentery, but more painful than all of these was a burn on my chest from a double application of fly plasr{t}er, that semed to have burned me to the very ribs. For days I sat and held my clothing away from my breast. Lookout mountain is so well known in war history, that anything that I might say would not be new. Forty seven years afterwards I had the privelege of looking upon its rugged highths, but it semed to be the same. The palisades were there, just as they were when I first beheld those majestic highths. Instead of traveling five miles to get to the summit in the ambulance one may board an incline car, and be there in a few minuts. I stood and watched many people going up and down, but I felt that the condition of my nerves would not justify me in making the trip by motor car.
 
 I remained on the mountain about six weeks, a part of which time I was able to get out, and explore the rebel works, and gather Huckleberries from the bushes to eat. At that time politics were being discussed very freely. The conventions had been held, and Lincoln and McCleland were the noiminees. The McCleland men semed to be largely in the majority, which induced a very enthusiastic Lincoln man to maake a pole of the hospital, which resulted in a two-thirds majority in favor of McCleland. We Lincoln men could not believe that such a disparity was accidental. The democratic party, in convention assembled had declared agains the further prosecution of the war, and that proposition was very attractiveto those officers who had contracted cold feet, and that it did not require a great deal of physical discomfort to enabvle them to get into some hospital, and when once there their staying qualities were a great deal stronger than they had been in the face of some impending battle. A majority of the inmates of the hospital were on their feet most of the time, and semed to enjoy life very agreeably. There was onley one wounded man in my ward.
 
 When I was convolesing I had an inordiant desire for huckleberries. I could buy them at anytime, bu t that was not the way that I wanted them. I must have the privelege of picking them off of bushes. I had been told that within a mile of the hospital there was a great abundence of them, and they were the ones I wanted, but I was not strong enough to walk to them, and I waited impatiently for strngth enough to make the trip. I finaly reached the patch, after having made three attempts. I have no idea how many I eat, but I finaly tore myself away, and when I got back to the hospital I was again hungry for the berries. I had a chum whose name was Gibbon. He was a Lieut in a Michigan regt. He was there when I went to the hospital, and had been there for some time, and he semed willing to stay, but we were ordered for inspection, and I told G that I was going to insist on going to the front. He thought that neither of us was able for duty. When it came my turn for examination I asked at once to be discharged, and after some argument he complied with my request, but the doctor would not listen to G but discharged him peremtorialy.
 Gibbon and I were very close friends, but I did not then suspect that he had a touch of "cold feet". Having gotten our passes we lit out for Chattanooga the next morning, but had to remain there the most of the day, waiting for transportation, which when we got it, it proved to be a forage train, and there was no place for us to ride but on top of a grain car. People who complain now of tiresome pulman rides ought to have a privelege of riding on the roof of a grain car, for a change, but for the comfort that there is in the experience. We both wore shoulder straps, but that did not even give us a bed on the grain that the car contained; this was a time when rank cut no figur in our favor. We had to pass throgh a tunnel or two, and any railroad trainman will tell you that one does not imbibe any poetic inspiration in such experiences, but plenty of coal smoke. All night long we reclined on the top of that car, clinging to the footboard for safety. Some of the soldiers who had guns, straped them selvs to it, while others more ventursome slept soundly with their feet hanging over the side of the car. The road was so crowded that a freight train was not much of an improvement over a good lively ox team. When morning came we were not more than fifty miles from Chatanooga. About noon we reached Alitoona, and as I had been there I got off to get something to eat, and throgh the dishonesty of the vendor of pies, and bread, in trying to keep my change, I got left, and having left my blankets and coat with Gibbon, I was in a bad fix, but got a pass from the commendant I got another train in the afternoon, but where, if ever would I find Gibbon. My train stopped at Maryetta, and running across some officers who had been discharged from the hospital authorities to take them in, all McCleland men, I was able to trace Gibbon, and my baggage also.
 
 We spent two nights and a day in Maryetta, and when at supper the evning before we agreed to take the first train out to the front. He said that he was going out to visit some friends, and be in before ten oclock, but when I came at that time he was not there, but hi baggage was, and I thought that I would find him in his room in the morning, and of course I looked for him as soon as I got dressed, but found him not, but his stuff was still there. I had breckfast, and waited for a time, and lit out for the dapot, thinking that I might find him there, or hear something from him, but never a Gibbon. A train came along, and I got aboard, and was off, but did not get across the river on that train, as it stoped before it got there. But luckeyly a train load of troups came along, and I ran along it, when it halted,, looking for a means to get up into the cars, when it heard famillier voices calling to me, and looking up I beheld several of my old neighbors, and school mates who belonged to the 25 Ind, and of course I felt quite at home. Our train took us across the river, just in the rear of our lines and I camped with my friends that night, but was off the next morning in search of my regt, which was said to be on the extreme right, about seven miles away, which was a prety long trip for a convalescent. After traveling a mile or so a teamster passed me, and gave me a lift for about three miles, but it was late in the afternoon when I reached my company, and went into camp for the first time since the first week, or ten days in June. The next morning when I got up I found that I could hardly get around, but after a day or so gathered some strength, and performed my part of the duty. Our corps was then in the lead on the right, in an effort to reach the railroad in the rear of the enimy. We would move forwards evry day and press the rebels back, and thenn throw us a safe line of works during the night. Sometimes we would not gaine more than three quarters of a mile. The 14 corps followed after us, occupying our works after each movement. I do not remember how long we kept this up; possibly ten days, but I do remember that the hardships of the campaing brought on my old disease, Dysenteria worse than ever, and I had to go to the field hospital, but didn't remain there but a few days, when Gen Sherman issued orders for the removal of evry man back to Maryetta, that was not able to march 20 miles per day, and our hospital was broken up and the sick removed as ordered. We were conveyed a part of the way in ambulances to a small town, where freight cars were furnished us, and in less than a day we were in the hospital at Maryetta.
 
 Of course we could not even guess what was going on for several days, but finaly it leaked throgh the lines that Sherman's army had gone south, and had left onley one corps between us and Atlanta. I think that this movement was commenced on the 20th of Aug. 
 
 I was confined to my room nearley all of the time that I was at this place, but about the 31st of Aug, the doctor gave all dysentery patients a remedy that greatly relieved them, and the next day we were able to get out, and walk around. On the night of the first a terable explosion took place at, or in the direction of Atlanta. Which proved to be the blowing up of the foundries and iron works of the rebels. Before morning we received the news that Atlanta had probably been evacuated, and the news semed to put new life in all of the patients. On the morning of the 3rd I attended sick call, and requested that I be discharged, but I had to convince the doctor that I would be just as well off as I was there, that my regiment would go into camp there, and my men would take care of me if I needed any help. He finaly complemented me by saying that there were a great many others there that were far more able to soldier than I was, but that he had not been able to convince them of the fact. I was given a number of ment o come along with me, to whom I paid little attention after getting them on the cars.
 
 A dispatch had been sent to the hospital, giving the probbal location of each regt. My regt was to go to Decature, six miles east of Atlanta, and of course evryone knew where he was going to. We arrived in Atlanta in the evnine, and were quartered in the rebel barracks for the night, and after getting a bite to eat in the morningprepared to to march to Decature. The commandant of the barracks mustered about a hundred men, and put them in my charge, I being the onley officer there. I managed to get them into a kind of a line, and after marching them a mile into the country, disbanded them, saying to them that they were better off to take care of themselves than I was. We fell in with many stragglers from the front, and and they presented a fair representation of what was afterwards called "Sherman's bummers". They had picked up evry kind of conveyance, form a two wheeled cart to a fine carraige, and were hawling their baggage, and their food in them. They had pork, beef, chickens, and turkeys, that they had picked up on the way. It will suffice to say that we got there, and most of them had the best that the land offered to eat i.e. especialy those that were coming in frokm the main army. As my military carear is soon to close, there is little more to say. As the doctor advised me I was by no means a well man. I do not think that I was able to go on duty but once after returning. My entire system semed to be out of kelter. Treatment did not seme to relieve me, onley for a time. I finaly got so weak, that I could not walk half a mile. The old regimental surgeon, now brigade surgeon, and a good friend to me, sent for me and advised me to resign, on account of my physical disabiltiy. That if I stayed in the service, I would die, but if I went home I would probably get well. I wanted to stay with the boys to the end, which I did not believe would be very long. I had fought my way up to a commission, and I wanted to get some benefit from it. I had been little or no use to my command since the 10th of June, and there was little prospect that I would be able to do any better.
 
 On the morning of the 22nd of Sept I started for home. I had to ride horseback to Atlanta,and was completely done up when I got there the excitement of home going all left me, and I quite collapsed. The train left about dark. Of course as usual we had to ride in box cars, but managed to extemprize seats out of lumber that we picked up along the road. To add to my physical grief, muscular rheumatism now set in, and I suffered the most excrusiating pain. The Col Wright of the 25th Ind happened to be on the train, and he did evrything in his power to make me comfortable. There was quite a number of officers in the car, all going home,on furlogh, or dischargrd. Our progress was very slow, and we did not reach Chattanooga till the next evning. Here we were informed that our train would probably be the last one over the road. Forst was raiding the country between Chattanooga and Nashville, and there was no telling on what part of the road he would appeare, and we onley moved forward when our scouts let us know that the way was cleared. Of course I was greatly concerned, to be captured meant death to me, as I could not indure the hardships that a prison life would entale upon me. We did not feel safe till we reached Murphrysboro. My recolection is that we reached Nashville about ten oclock, and remained till 5 oclock, when we pulled out for Louisville. Where we arrived the next morning at 4 oclock a m. Col Wright proposed to carry my blankets if I could manage to walk, till we could get a ride in some market wagon. A butchers wagon finaly overtook us, and gave us a lift. From Louisville to Portland it is about three miles, and of course the butcher man did us a great favor. A little after sun up we crossed the Ohio river to Newalbany, and out of danger of maurading gorrillas. There is nothing very interesting about the ballance of the trip, and I will drop the curtain over my military experience. 
 
 Chapter III
 No one but a soldier will ever realize the comfort that homecoming brings to him. Great changes had taken place during my absence. Society, to some extent had been readjusted. People who were poor when I left them were now in good circumstances, and showed an independence that was rather lordly in comparrison with their demeanor when they were threatend by invasion by an inveterat foe. When we went out we were assured that no good thing would be with-held from us. Our families would be taken care of, but they were scared then, but they were brave now. We had driven the enimy far beyond their borders. High prices had filled their pockets with greenbacks, and they were onley interested in us to the extent of our ability to pay for what we had to have to live upon. 
 
 While prices were high, wages were disproportionaly low. My uncle was runing a large tobacco business, and he paid his hands $1.50 per day, most of them boarding themselves. I was surprised to find a pronounced sentiment amooung men who were doin g a speculative business in favor of the war, to the end that its continuance would enhance the price of gold, and thereby increase their proffits. The old patriotism that had influenced us to leave our homes and famalies had given away to a sperit of gredy selfishness. Evry where could be heard the predicion that gold would go to four hundred percent in less than six months. A sperit of speculation prevaild evrywhere. men bought reculasly going largely indebt for their purchases. Many men had no confidence in the "greenback" money, and disposed of it for lands, and other properties, in the belief that almost any kind of investment was safer. I will say in passing that in six months many of these men found themselves largely in debt, and gold went down steadily. 
 
 The ballance of this otobiograpy will onle deal with the sailient incidents of my life. In fact will be limited to my wanderings in different parts of the country.
 
 After spending a few weeks recuperating my shattered health, I secured employment with my uncle in his tobacco business, and became a private citizen to all intense and purposes, and commenced a vigorous effort to retrieve my fallen fortune. My wife had kept one of my horses, and a part of my farming tools were still left. Many things had been used, and worn out by my friends. I hired for a year at $500 per year, but in the spring I found that I could not support my family on that wage, and incouraged by the high prices of farm products. I secured a small farm, at an enormous price and went to work. In this venture, I came out about even, but was able to save a little salvage, by my work as a cooperer, of tobacco hogsheads. I made a very good contract with my uncle for the year of 1866, to work one of his farms, and assist him in his business. Unfortunately he was something of a diapated character at times, and in one of these fits he quarraled with me, and insisted that I leave his place, and his employmment. Realizing that I could not get along with him, I concluded to go west with a cusin of my wife and in ten days I was on the road for Iowa. This I consider was the most foolish venture of my life. I was getting in prety good shape again financialy, and I should have staid, and fought it out with my uncle, however unpleasant the situation would have been. I knew nothing of the great west, having never seen a prarie, and I had no idea that the country was so new, and so sparcely inhabited. I had a splendid team, and wagon and I figured that I could surely make a living with them.
 
 On the 27th day of March 1866 we bid farewell to the old home, and our people, and for 30 days fought mud, and high water, but with all of these discomforts, we injoyed the trip, and pulled up to a little hamlet called Manti, in Fremont county, Iowa on the 27th day of April.
 
 My wife had a cousin living here, which was very incouraging to us. For a week after landing I was never so blue in my life, the country and surroundings was so different to what I had expected that I was frantic. Deforrest and I were luckey enough to secure one of the best farms, and houses that the country afforded, and in a short time we were farming, and my blues disappeared for ever. To the farmer who has been raised in a timber country a prarie farm is most attractive. We succeeded in raising a prety good crop of corn, and managed to take in a little money otherwise.
 
 The next year I managed to rent a little farm, in the timber near Sidney Iowa, where I lived for eight years, with verried successes but my health broke down, so much that I had to depend largely upon my boys to cultivate my crops. Feeling that my physical condition was growing worse, I began to look around for something else to do that would give me a living. I had made a great many friends in the county and had become somewhat prominent in the "Grange circles", and all who knew my physical frailties, took a deep interest in my welfare, and through these influences I was induced in the spring of 1874 to run for Clerk of the courts. I had never had any experience in politics, other than to vote, and attend a political meeting once and a while. In National politics I had kept in line, and was well advised along party lines in that direction, but as to local politics, I had paid little attention. I believed that local politics were generally corupt, and that honest men had better keep out entirely.
 
 What was intended to be a two candidate campaign, tirminated in three. Gange,Republican, and Democrat. I tried to do my duty as a political candidate, but I realized from the first that I was a dismal failure. To make a long story short I was beaten by a small margin, by the granger candidate. Of course I felt my defeat very sevirely, moreso on account of my wasting physical energies. My family physician had warned me that I could not stand the winter climate, and do farm work, and as I could see nothing for me in the west outside of my chosen avocation, and after mature reflection concluded to return to my old home in Ind where in case of my death my family would be with relatives, who would look after their welfare. Having made up our minds in that direction we lost no time in puting theory into practice. I sent my family on in the fall, and after selling my stock and other things, followed them in january. Looking at this move in the light of expediency, it proved to be very foolish, as a matter of necessity it was iminently proper. In fact there was nothing elce that we could do, we simply bowed to the inevitable.
 
 One who has lived in the then great west for nine years, and then go back to southern Ind, could never reconcile himself to the conditions that he had to indure. I rebelled, and all of my family rebelled, but my wife, who of all of us was satisfied. During the first three years I never lay down without feeling deep grief in my heart, and an uncontrolably longing for the conditions that I loved so well in the prarie west. Looking around me at the hundreds of men, who were living upon a mear pittance. I could see no opertunities for a man without abundent means to rise above a common clodhopper condition in life.
 
 We finaly puled ourselves to gather, and went to work at whatever our hands found to do, and finaly to farming in the spring, and we made a living and was able to gaine a little. But my health again failed, and I had to look around for something else to do. Wherever I have lived I have always had good warm friends. Friends that were on the watchout for opertunities for me.
 
 A justice of the peace having died in our county seat, my friends insisted that I make an effort to secure the place. At the nomination convention I was defeated, but the nominee died before the spring election, and a caucus was called, and I received the nomination and was elected by a small plurality. I had never paid much attention to court procedure, and practicaly knew nothing about it. Up to my fortyth year I had never sat as a juriman in the trial of a cause, and when I assumed the judicial ermine, it was withmuch trepidation, and fear of myself. While naturaly I had the dignity I lacked the practice to enforce it boldly, and being naturaly timid and concientiously defaults. The lawyers of the city set up a job on me, to try the mettal of the "county justice".
 
 There was acase of unlawful entry and detainer, coupled with a charge of assault upon a woman who was the tenant, by the landlord who was the meanest man in town. The case had been started before another justice, and taken away on a change of venue to another one and from him to me. Under the Ind law more than one change of may be taken. The intention from the first was to get it to me.
 
 The trial was held in the courthouse, and the lawyers insisted that I sit on the judges bench, to which I entered a feeble demurer, but finaly took a seat on that august bench, with fear, and inwardly some trembling.
 
 My recolection that there were five lawyers on the side of the plaintiff, and one, who was the most consumit petifiger, that I ever knew for the defendant. In consummit meanness and intrig he outstriped the character represented by Dickens in his David Copperfield. Of course he objected to evrything, and the first day was consumed in ruling on his objections, but finaly we struck a note that precipitated a cricis. I ruled that the defendant should answer a certain question, and Link told him not to ansere it, which placed me the defendant in contempt of court, and much as I hated it but there was nothing for me to do but to send him to jail, which I did and adjurned court, so that the defendant might enjoy a short period on quiet meditation. It was fortunate that judge Moore came to town that evening, and got into the case, and his influence seemes to have had an immediate effect, as in an hour after his arrival the defendant promised to be good if I would let him out. The next day he came into court, and answered the question, and many more, and the case was given to the jury, who in a short tiem returned a verdict against the defendant as charged. I did not feel a bit good over his trial. I felt that I had been badly treated, the more so that on account of the fact that some of my best friends had taken part in the farce that had humiliated me to some extent, but I will say that I finaly got most of the business. All of the lawyers but Link brought me their business, so that my docked contained many hundreds of cases when my term expired. I will also say that I do not recall a case in which I was reversed by the upper courts. The fact that I received much business from all over the county emphasized my reputation for being a faire minded and impartial Judge.
 
 The latter part of 1879, I applied for a pension. Up to this time I had refused to make any movement in that direction. I went into the army with patriotic motives, and with no expectation of reward in any way of a pension. I had taken the stand that the government should pension all of the baddly wounded soldiers. In fact the soldiers generally gave no thought to this matter when they enlisted, but we did expect, and were given to understand that we would get land warrants, as had the soldiers of othher wars, up to that time.
 
 In Feb 1882 my claim was allowed, and I drew pay that amounted to about $2,400, which was almost a godsend, as we were baddly indebt. On getting money I commenced to look around for a new location, and my love for the west came upon me with much force, as two of the boys were already there. I naturally drifted back to Iowa, where I had formaly {formerly} lived. I bought some lots and built us a small home. The winter of 1882 - 3 my old lung trouble was revived, from which I suffered greatly. With the advice of an old fool doctor I made a trip to California, where I received some benefit as to my lungs, but suffered from other army diseases. I remained in Cal six months, and then returned to Iowa. Out of money and out of a job, but I was fortunate in securing a position as local editor on one of our city papers "The Republican."
 
 Though entirely unacquainted with the work, I will say that I suceded reasonably well. While in Cal I had attracted considerable attentin as a correspondent of another city paper. While my earnings were not by any means lucrative, I was able to get through winter reasonably well. My second son Albert had secured a position as a grocery clerk, and he contributed liberaly to the support of the family, otherwise our living would have been seriously curtailed. In the spring of 1884, my name was presented to the people as a candidate for Mayor.
 
 Relatives and people who had formerly known me circulated the information that I had served for several years as a police justice in another state, which in the face of the fact that the encumbent of the mayor's office had proven a great failure, gave zest to my candiancy. I never asked a man to vote for me, or neglected my duties as an editor for a single hour, but my friends were active, as was shown when the votes were counted, which tallied my name two to one against my opponant. A vacancy occured in one of the justice offices, which was handed to me, which enabled me to see my way out of the woods again. That I was acceptable to the people, the fact that I served them as their mayo for Seven consecutive years and as justice of the peace for fifteen years, fully proved. Our children having left us we concluded to move to Omaha where I erected a home. In my new home I was able to be out of doors doing light work in the improvement of our home, raising fruit, and vegetables, and flowers, my health was greatly improved. 
 
 In some way it semed that I had been fated for the justice office. I had not been in my new location but a short time till I was again inducted into office.
 
 Human beings at best are lyable to do some very foolish things but when they get old, if left to their own volition they are liable to make some very grave mistakes. My health again gave way and we concluded that a northan climate was too seveir for us, and having a granddaughter who was a tubuculosis invalid, we concluded to go with her to Florida, and having a brother at StCloud we naturally drifted to that place. Where we landed about the 9th of December 1909. The grandaughter failed utterly in about six weeks, and we sent her home to die, but having acquired some property there we had to stay. We had sacrificed our furniture, and there and as we had invested the most of our surplus money we would necessarily have to dispose of our holding{s} there in ordre that might refurnish our house in the north. It was rather a sad plite for two old people to be cought in, and much moreso when we both found that we could not stand that climate. My wife's health utterly failed, and on the 6trh of Sept I had to hurry her north, and I remained to dispose of my property. I had hard work to pull th{r}ough, but managed to keep on my feet till about the 24th of December, when I was luckey enough to sell out at a reasonable figure, but fearing to come north in the middle of the winter, I remained in Florida till the 16th of Febuary 1911, but did not reach home till the 23rd of March. I was very sick on the road, and remained in bad physical condition till the middle of summer. I found my wife sick in bed, which made the outlook for me very gloomy indeed. My Son's wife -((R B Carter died on the 16th of June, which was a sad event for all of us. To us for the reason that we had arranged to make our home in his family. But we met the responsibility bravely, and lived rather hapily to gather, till the last of October when it appeared when it appeared the responsibilities were to{o} great for people of our age, and we broke up. My wife going to our daughter for the winter, if not permanently, and I to my son Albert's house to remain till I could make some disposition of our property.
 
 It has been rather a sad experience for people of our age, but it is one that most old people have to mete, some of them in a much worse way, and it is possible that we ought to accept the situation with commendable resignation. People of our age live largely in the past, and the conditions that have obtained in the social relations of life, are ever reoccuring to them. The difference in that life, and the one that we enjoy now is radically different as night and day.
 
 In our earley days we lived for the future, but now the great majorty live for the day that they know that is theirs. The whole social fabric is a giddy whirl, and a farce. There is very little that is real, and substantial. Eat, drink, and be merry is the slogan that resounds from evry cornner. People go to the theatres and pay their money to hear trained people act the fool. The cronic devotees spend their hard earned money, and get nothing for it. Nothing is remembered by them, they realize that they have been fed on the chafe, and they have no regard for it. The world has produced a few artist{s}, but the great majority are simply amitures, who keep in the lime light by the exercise of small wit, and the exhibition of gaudy dress, but little of that. There was a time when men and women held their auditors spellbound by their logic, and the eloqquent way in which they were able to present it, but now they can rarley get a respectable audience, unles the embelish the logic with a superabundent amount of vaudiville acting.
 
 What the harvest will be we can not even conjecture. We know the fate of Rome, and Carthage, and many other grand civil{iz}ations that have past away, as it were, amid a whirl of social acting and excitement. The inteligence that produced these grand results was crouded out, and trampled under foot, and when that was gone ther was nothing left to build upon. Wise students are predicting already that our grand civil{iz}ation will pass away, and our cities will take their places with the dismantled principalities of Asia. These thoughts will be clased as the vaperings of an old man whose proper place is with the human discard.
 
 I take it that it is the duty of evry man and woman that is born into the world should strive to leave something behind them that will be a benefit to future posterities, but unfortunately the great majority of them are remembered onley by a few associates that knew them for a short time. 
 
 My politics have been radicaly along republican lines. My first presidential vote was cast for Abraham Lincolon, of which I am very proud, and I have voted for evry republican president since. I have never seen anything in the other parties that appealed to my sense of justice, patriotism, and statesmanship. During my lifetime the democratic party has left nothing on our National statuts that showed either wisdom, or commendable statesmanship. I am surprised that the oposite party has survived so long, and maintained a power that would indicate that there was force enough to recomend it for a bare possible supremicy, and yet while it has not made a record of good accomplished, in the way of legislation it has exzerted a power that compelled the prevailing party to put forth its best men for office. I do not believe that it is possible to organize a great party that is absolutly pure in all of its parts. I believe that it is absolutly necessary to the perpetuation of our free government. Where the carcase is there will be found the vulturs, and it is not unreasonable that a party long in power should draw to it more than its share of these political potentialities that have appeared in this country during the last fifty years, that to the victor belong the spoiles, and it was understood that the successfull party should reward its henchmen, whether qualified or not, for the position assigned them, and it generaly occured that there were more applicants that positions to be filled, and new places had to be provided. I have known this to oddure in my own party, but being the rule in politics, men of otherwise sturling integrety condoned the wrong by shutting their eyes to the astounding fact. Fifty years ago, the people received their political inspiration from the leading politicians, and invariably waited for them to dispense the political gospel for the ensuing campaign.
 
 This principal prevailed more radicaly in the south than it did in the north. In the south ignorance was bliss, and it was folly to be wise, which was tought from the pulpit, and all political rostrums, which the ignorant people believed and practiced, and it was through this pernitious influence that the leaders in the south was able to prosecute the rebellion to the extent that they did. Very wealthy people in the south ignored, and condemed the newspapers. I remember to have heard a slave owner boast that he had never allowed a newspaper to enter his house. Even now, as I observed in the south, while sojurning there during the last two years, thousands of people never read a newspaper. The progress that has been made in throwing off the spoiles system, and other pernitious influences has been brought about by the influences of the newspapers that have been so widely distributed over the entire country, and the day is neare by when the voters of this country will decide all political questions at his own fireside.
 
 My ancestors were all old line whigs, with one exception, and he was considered a kind of political "misfit" by the ballance of the famalies, and all able bodied men were in the union army. In my earley boyhood, and manhood days my political ideals were Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster, from speaches I invariably made my selections for declamitory distinction at our debates, and memories, and would possibly cut small figure in our political arena of this day, and age. Like George Washington, who was able to controll the military destinies in his day. In comparison with Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Sheridan would fall below some of our brigade commanders in the late civil war. To some I understand that such a comparison, is more than presumptious, but the facts remain, and are demonstratable.
 
 As to my religious views, and experiences: I will say that at this time my creed, so to speak, is very broad, and takes in evry thing that makes men and women better, morraly, religiously and intillectualy. Mother was the most profoundly concientious christian charactor that I ever knew, or read of. She was a firm believer a providential interfearance in the affares of mankind and could make a divine application of evry condition that the human race is called upon to indure. If dire misfortune overtook any one, she belived that it was a provedental interfearance in our behalf. Her lot in life was, from earley womanhood, attended with the most adverse circumstances, and conditions, all of which she bore with christian resignation, and fortitude. There was not a shadow of deceit, or discimulation, in her conduct, or social intercourse with those who were fortunate enough to come within her influence. In evrything that she said, in the way of conveying information, she invariably qualified her statement, with I believe, or have been told that it is the truth, and she taught me never to be absolutley shure that evrything that I said, when coming to others, was possibly true, and so firmly did she implant this principal in my mind, that even now I often find myself somewhat handicapped in imparting information to others, and I have been criticised by some of my family, for hesitency, in arriving at conclusions. I remember that in my earley boyhood, I invariably qualified any statement that I might make, with "I believe that is so", and I remember that I was frequently laughed at, on account of that expression. I never knew anyone to speak illy of her, in fact evry body love her for her pure christian character, and lovable disposition. When she died, those who looked upon her dead face saw a halo, that to them appeared angelic, which was so apparent that people who saw it, were lothed to leave a presence that appeared so divine. Language failes me to discribe her pure character as I saw and felt it. 
 
 I tried hard to imitate, and copy my mothers views, along religious lines, which was hard for me to do, for the reason that she had an emotional nature, while I was radicaly the opposite.
 
 Obeying my mothers teachings, I early identified myself with the methodist church, of which she was a member for more than fifty years, and I tried hard to enter the holy of holies, from which I believed that she received her sublime inspritation, but I could not never do it. Any undue exhibition of religious excitement invaribly chiled, whatever emotional feelings I was able to work up, and on the shores of doubt, and uncertainty, but inspite of all of my doubts, and misgivings I maintained an honorable standing in the church and conducted my walk so circumspectly, that many of the old members of the church picked me out for the ministry, but I never for a moment believed that I had the necessary qualifications to become an exponent of the christian religeon as towght in that day, which was entirely emotional, and a misister who failed to awaken in the hearts of his bearers those feelings was concidered a dismal failure. I recognized the fact that a peculiar influence could onley be felt, and injoyed when the altar was crowded with seekers, of very devoted people, suggested to my mind that it might be a magnettic influecne, that semed to me all to{o} human. For many years I struggled with, and studied these manifestations, of what was called the divine power. I always defended the bible, believing as I did that it made some people better, and made people more civilized, and better citizens. I examined the many new "cults" that have been introduced in my day, but in them I found nothing that satisfied my mind. Speritial manifestations were introduced, and practicied in my immediate vicinity, to which I gave very little attention. I reasoned that if my mother was in the speritual world, and was concious of what was going on upon the earth, she would in some way communicate with her friends, but not through a medium, or person, who was of questionable charactor. Scsience has thrown much light into the dark places. The wonderful development in electricity in my day, and the fact that we are now able to communicate with friends who are thousands of miles away, through the air that we breathe, suggests to my mind that it is possible that there is still hidden, a force that will eventualy lead us on to a higher plain of religious thought, and experience. That it is possible that human beings may find the connecting link that connects the creator with the created, but when we look at the possibility of these things through the light that comes to us through the ceintific annalisis of the physical forces of the system of worlds to which we belong, we get problems, and possibilities that are incomprehensible, and I have settled in my mind, that inasmuch as we cannot understand these wonderfull propositions we had better attend to the things that we know of, and let those things we do not alone. We are borne into this world, not of our volition, but through the intreposition of a force that is trancendantly beyond our explenation, or comprehension, and as we find that we are endowed with trates of character that may be used by us for our weal, or woe. It is encumbent upon us to go forward in the exercise of these faculties, and use them so that we will be able to obtaine the greatis amount of good for our selves, and for those around us, and leave it with the crator to take care of us when we go hhence, I take it that thers I a responsibility resting upon us to improve the talents that have been given us which must have been for a purpose, and it is our duty to improve in some way. To my mind the grandest declaration to be found in the whole bible is that which commands us to do unto others, as we would be done by. If we practice this principal, we will have fulfilled the law, that was intended to govern us while in this state of existence, What we see and know in our earthly life, is all that we can comprehend, as to the existance of another, according to the light and knowledge that he has been able to gather. Then let us be honest, be faithful, love our neighbor as our self, in this life, and we will not be denied any good thing in the life to come, what ever that life may be.
 
 
 VALEDICTORY
 
 I hereby dedicate the foregoing otobyography to my son Albert S. Carter, to be used by him in anyway that he may think best, and say as a matter of explenation, and excuse of having writen a short sketch of my life, that I have not done it because of any great act that I may have performed, but mostly on account of the fact that I have had little elce to do this winter. I would be glad if I had something of greater importance to write. My life from early boyhood up to the present time has been of the most streneous character, and I do not recall any considerable time that I have not been burdened with hardships, or sorrow. My life a very earley period has been a very busy one. I could never tolerate absolute idleness. My home has been an earthly heaven, and when not engaged I have made it a point to spend my time at home, and while I have been deprived many times of the privelege of enjoying real home life. I had a place to which I could go, and get away from business and from the world, so to speak. My social qualities have never been what average people call brillient, or fairly good. Life with me has been something of a tragedy. I became a little man when I was onley eight years old, and so exacting was the duties that were forced upon me, that it chilled the enthusiasm that usualy inspres the young mind. I have often said that I never was a boy in the general acceptance of the term. I helped to raise my mothers family, and ere I had completed the job I took upon myself or friends, being now well along in my 76th year, and I am glad to be able to say that I feel like that I may survive for some time yet. I have writen these momors from memory without notes, or correction, and without repeating a single line. I opine that there are mistakes in arthography, and gramatical construction, but I think that the work will pass reasonably well for one of my age. My eyesight has been too dim for me to look up, and ascertain if they are artographicaly correct.
 
 Good Bye OMAHA, Feb 19, 1912 Signed, James B. Carter
 
 
 {This American character died Dec 2, 1916 at the Old Soldier�s Home in Minneapolis, Minnesota}
 
 
 Some Terms Used During the American Civil War
 Artillary - Large guns such as mortars and cannons; the word "artillery" is also the name of the units armed with these guns
 Battery - Usually, six guns, each attached to a limber which is a two wheel ammo chest, drawn by three pairs of horses in tandem. A standard battery consisted of 155 men with various jobs to perform. Cannons are said to be in-battery while in use.
 Bivouac - The Civil War term defined by the U.S. Army in 1861: "When an army passes the night without shelter, except such as can be hastily made of plants, branches, etc., it is said to be in bivouac" 
 Bounties - A monetary sum of money, sometimes $500 for short term enlistment and $1500 for a three year enlistment to augment the armies of both the North and South. The bounty system was riddled with problems. Men would often enlist, then jump regiment hoping to reenter with another unit. The Federal government and local governments paid 600 million in bounties during the war.
 Breastworks - Chest-high fortifications made of dirt and wood
 Brigade - The common tactical infantry and cavalry unit of the Civil War. The brigade had 4-6 regiments, sometimes less, sometimes more. Operated by the brigade general, the brigade could be commanded by a colonel, dependant on its size. Brigades were not of equal strength on both sides of the war. The Confederate brigade was said to have greater numbers than the Northern brigade. 
 Bummers - The term applies to foraging or marauding soldiers in the war. Military rules often disallowed foraging but when allowed, supposedly, had strict rules. A discreet officer was placed in charge; soldiers could not use threatening or abusive language; they could not trespass in a private dwelling and must leave enough for family subsistence. Too often, these soldiers became marauders, answering to no one as they gathered their spoils of war with their own methods.
 Camp Follower - A broad term simply meaning anyone who followed armies for profit and employment. It applied to sudlers, laundress's, bakers, barbers and the like. It also applied to prostitutes, card dealers, illegal whiskey sellers
 Canister Shot - A type of artillery shell designed to explode upon firing, spraying out the lead or iron shot that was packed within the canister. It was a cruelly effective antipersonnel weapon, generally used at close range.
 Case Shot - Spherical case - a cannon round invented by Henry Shrapnel, English artilleryman in 1784. The round is an antipersonnel round, fired at close range. The load breaks apart shortly after firing and smaller balls devastate close-by combatants
 Cavalry - Sword-carrying troops who rode horses into battle
 Company - Normally consisted any unit of 50-100 men, commanded by a Captain. 10 of these generally made up a regiment. Companies had 4 squads made up of a sergeant or corporal. Most had colorful names and mascots 
 Dysentery - an infection of the lower intestinal tract producing pain, fever, and severe diarrhea, often with the passage of blood and mucus; the number one killer in the Civil War
 Earthworks - Defensive fortification with wooden frameworks and dirt in front; see breastworks
 Foraging - A Civil War term meaning to "live off the land." The term also applied to plundering. Receipts were often exchanged for goods taken and these in turn, would be owed or paid by the quartermaster. Too often, the term is more accurately applied to stealing by undisciplined officers and soldiers alike. Many soldiers felt the goods taken were payment for their fighting in the war. It has been said, cavalry was more prone to foraging than infantry. This is because the infantry normally was followed by supply wagons, sudlers and the like. This system of supply was not practical to the cavalry since they were so mobile. 
 Furlough - Any leave granted to a soldier by his superior. A soldier on furlough left his arms and accoutrements behind. He carried furlough papers detailing his leave dates, assignment and return to duty date. Since photos were noticeably absent, such furlough papers gave a physical description of the man. 
 Grape shot/cannister - An artillery round. Usually 9 shot placed between two iron plates. Canister, was iron plates having iron balls with 4 tiers and packed with sawdust. Both of these rounds were used in close quarters combat and were highly effective and gruesome in their use. Charging infantry were virtually eliminated as they approached these batteries. Very few walked away. Batteries changed over to grape and canister when the position appeared to be overrun or had the potential of being overrun. 
 Grub - Slang term for food, often disliked food (see hardtack)
 Hardtack - A quarter inch cracker made of unleavened flour. It was a staple of Northern and Southern soldiers alike. Often worm infested, the cracker was unpopular and unpalatable, but it had shelf life... 
 Haversack - A cotton or linen bag for a soldier's rations
 Hot Shot - Used during the Civil War were solid iron shot, heated in a furnace and fired at wooden vessels of war. Shot furnaces were found aboard ships and at coastal fortifications. The projectile would embed itself in the ship, smolder and then set the vessel on fire.
 Howitzer - A relatively shorter-barreled cannon with a chamber at the base of the bore, designed to take a smaller charge. Its range is shorter than that of a gun, and the trajectory of the projectile shows more arc
 Infantry - Soldiers who fought on foot, equipped with small arms (weapons)
 Interval - Distance between platoons, companies, regiments, etc.
 Line of Battle - The position of troops drawn up in their usual order without any determined maneuver
 Line of March - Arrangement of troops for marching 
 Minie Bullet - Developed in the 1840's by French captains Henri-Gustave Delvigne and Claude- Etienne Minie, was the standard projectile of the Civil War. Unlike the musket, the Minie allowed quicker loading and greater accuracy. It is generally thought to be the device that caused appalling battle casualties in the war. 
 Mortar - A short chambered gun with a large bore for throwing shells, etc. into fortifications
 Noncombatants - The Civil War term for surgeons, nurses, chaplains, sudlers and citizens travelling with the armies. Persons captured having this status were released immediately, unconditional and unilaterally by both sides of the conflict. This was arranged by Confederate army surgeon, Hunter H. McGuire. History records no violation of these accords. 
 Ordnance - Weapons and related supplies; ordnance is also the name of the branch of the army responsible for weapons and related supplies
 Parapet - A barrier of earth to intercept the fire of an enemy
 Picket - A person placed on guard duty at the front lines and during the Civil War, a synonym for a guard or sentry
 Pontoons - Small boats to aid in the formation of bridges
 Ration - A soldiers daily allowance of food
 Roster - List of officers and men, by which to regulate their duties. e.g., Duty Roster
 Reserve - Select body of troops retained in the rear
 Running The Guard - A Civil War term for desertion. Also known as "flanking the sentinel." Desertion was high when Civil War soldiers were stationed close to or campaigned near their homes. 
 Siege - To surround a city or enemy army, cutting off supplies, in order to force surrender
 Shells - Hollow balls filled with explosive material which are fired by a fuse
 Shoddy - An inferior wool cloth issued in the form of uniforms during the early days of the war. The term later became the word used to describe inferior government equipment. It literally fell apart in a few weeks of being issued. 
 Shot - Solid iron balls shot from a cannon
 Skirmish - A loose, desultory kind of engagement between small detachments
 Surgeon - Army doctor
 Sutler - A peddler who followed the armies to sell food and supplies to the soldiers
 Vidette - Another term for picket, but one usually found on horseback.