Carter, James pg. 4

Submitted by Margaret Gagliardi.

When the darkness of night closed around us this mournfull sound continued till about 9 oclock. At ten oclock we laid down on our arms, and was soon asleep; from which we were awaked at 11:15 by a sudent unearthly roar of artillery first, followed by that of musketry, all of which lasted about 20 minuts, and then ceased as sudenly as it had begun. Years afterwards in Iowa, I met an ex-confederate soldier, who was there, and he said that the uproar was caused by the Georgia malitia, who got scared at the lightning bugs, that were very thick that night; but I think that Johnson was preparing to retreat, and ordered the firing to impress us with the idea that the enimy would be found in the morning, ready for business. I do not think that it fooled gen Sherman, judging by the promptness with which he followed the rebel army in the next morning. We had no further disturbances that night, and when we awoke in the morning we soon found that there was no enimy before us. By nine oclock we were in line of battle and ready to march.
 
 A detail of men from each regiment was made to burry the dead; amoung which was some of my company, and saw the sunken fort, with its piles of dead from both armies, which they discribed as the sickning sight that they ever saw, and hoped that they would never witness such again. We marched along the outer edge of the battle field, and the stench was so great that I had no desire to get closer to it. Our corps crossed the river marched on a parallel, but several miles north east of the center; which as usual was comanded by Gen Thomas; with Gen McFerson on the right. About noon we came to a small, but deep river, that delayed us some time in crossing. Here I got into conversation with a negro man who displayed more intelligence than any man that I met in Georgia. He said that there was an old lady living in that part of the country, who had a half dozen sons in Brags army at the time of the Chickamoga fight, and she was in the habit of taking in a pack horse load of provission, when ever she could reach them, and she made one of her visits while the battle was going on, and while there the rebels brought in some of our cavelrymen; who always presented a clean nice appearance, and were usually fine looking men. She returned to her home, very much discouraged. She told her neighbors that the south could never whip them thar yankees. She said that them prisnors were fine looking men, and that they stood up and looked so brave by the side of the southern soldiers, who looked more like prisoners, than did the yanks. She said that she did not believe they could ever whip such men as that.
 
 After crossing the river, which I believe was called the "Coosey" we marched till late in the evening, but saw no enimy, and to all apparencies was as peacfull as could be. But the center and the right wing were having some fighting all of the time, as those commands marched in the immediate rear of the retreating army. 
 
 We did not see any of the balance of the army till we got to Cartersville, on the Etowa, where we met a part of the center. Gen Sherman thought of crossing the river here, and taking Altoona, a very strong rebel position on the other side, just beyond a gapin a high range of hills. This is an old southern town, situated on the railroad, and surrounded by a very good country. I think that we remained here four or five days, resting, and getting supplies. It was claimed that Gen Sherman was here, but I did not see him. I was very much indisposed for the first time, while I was in the service up to this time, but kept on foot till we got orders to march, when I applied for medicine, and a ride in the ambulance but when I reported there was so many that were worse off than I was that I went back to my regiment and marched with the column. Instead of crossing the river, we downit till we came to a pontoon bridge, that had been laid by Gen Hookers command.
 
 After crossing the river we moved on throgh a low range of hills with small farms scatered throgh them. At noon we halted for dinner, and to wait for the road to be cleared ahead of us. While we were resting, and preparing for our meal, some of the boys were on the lookout for a porker, and while doing so stumbled on to some lumber that was half covered with leavs, under which they found a hole in the ground, in which they found taned hides, mixed with corn in the ear. They took out more than a wagon load of the hides, but did not reach the bottom. Just how this deposit came there was a puzzeler. There was no sign that a wheled vehickle had ever been there, and we could not determine how long since the deposit been made. Just as the interest had reached a fever heat, a fierce canonading broke loose in the front some miles away, and evry man was called into line at once. The volumn of sound clearly indicated that a fierce battle was being fought. We onley marched about two miles, when we found that the road was blocked with wagons, and we could do nothing but stand in line, and wait. Heavy clouds obscured the heavens, and darkness came on earley, and with it a downpore of rain which continued all night. We could do nothing but stand or squat in our places and take the rain. The darkness was apauling, and exceeded anything that any of us had ever witnessed. When daylight came we were a pitiful looking set of men.
 
 When the wagons got out of our way, we took up the line of march and soon came to "Pumpkinvine creek" from which the battle took its name in history. We did not march but a few miles till we came in sight of the battlefield, and got sight of the dead and wounded of which there were several hundred. Hooker had run into an ambush of masked batterys, which mowed his men down before he could get a position to return the fire.
 
 The dead and wounded laying prone on the ground, drenched by a terable downpore of the night before presented a gastly spectacle, from which we were glad to escape. In that country the wooded is almost an impenitratable tangle of underbrush, of which we had a very practical illustration. The previous battle had been fought on open farmland; on the east of which we formed our marching line, facing the tangle of brush. As soon as our lines (2) was formed we were ordered foward, into which we at once commenced to fight our way. For hours we struggled on, tearing clothing, and lacerating our bodies, but there was no turning aside, or going around. When a line of battle is formed it must be preserved. After four or five hours of hard work we succeeded in reaching open woods, where we halted to get a bite to eat, but soon resumed our march, and finaly came out into a farming country. 
 
 We had no idea where we were, or what or what part of the battle line our corps was situated, in fact we had been practically lost in the woods, but were not lost to our commanding officers.
 
 We moved on slowly till about 5 oclock, when we were halted on the crest of a ridge, where we were oderd to rest in places, and await orders. Up to this time we had not met an enimy, or hear a gun fire in our immediate front. We did not have to wait long for orders. The engineers passed along in our front, and staked out for a line of works, and of course we got busy at once, and when night set we had a respectable line of defense, made of rails, and logs. Shermans army was now vetterans, and fully undestood the importance of some protection, when in the immediate presence of a corageous, and persistant foe.
 
 For ten days we remained behind our works, fighting more or less evry day with our skirmish lines, wihout very much loss except from the enimies sharp shooters, but there was some very hard fighting on other portion of our line of defense, which was about 15 miles long. History records fighting at "Pumpkin vine"; Dallas; "Newhope Church". I never knew just where Dallas, or Newhope Church was located, but know that they were all in our immediate vicinity. My disability incured at Cartersville continued, and grew worse, till I had to go {to} the field hospital during the seige, but onley remained about two days, till I went back to the command.
 
 On a sunday morning, (I do not recall the exact date but I think that it was after the fifth of june, we received mail from the north, for the first time since leaving Madisonville, and it was being distributed from our company. Some of {the boys} had received as much as a half dozzen letters, and of course were greatly interested in them. 
 
 There had been no firing on either side, and an ideal sabath was present evrywhere. Instainusly a terific explosion occure just over, and about six feet above us. My whole company, and a part of company G were more or less stuned. A peirsing scream from Tan Moore caused me to look up, to see whether it was in fun. He had just been telling what his little daughter had writen to him, and was of course in a splendid good humor, which was his natural trait of character. When I saw the expression of his face I saw that there was no fun in him now. The facts were that he was mortaly hurt. A piece of shell had crushed the bones of his leg to the hip joint. Some others in co{mpany} G had been wounded, and two killed outright. Moore was taken to the hospital, where his leg was taken off, but he died that night, and he now sleeps in an unknown grave. There was no other firing after th explossion of the shell, and we could never account for that.
 
 Our neighbors did no firing that or the next day, not withstanding we frequently proded them with shot and shell. The rebel works remained as silent as if they had been entirely dezerted.
 
 That the enimy was trying to induce us to charge their lines, was fully demonstrated when, about five oclock, he turned about 150 pieces of artillary lose upon our lines, first with solid shot, then with shell and grape. The firing lasted about 30 minuts but did little damge. We were too well protected. The greater part of the damage occured in the rear, among the teams, and camp followers. Two shells passed throgh Gen Cox's tent (our divission commander) which was located at what we called the depot. Our cooks (officers) were stationed here, and as soon as the fire slackened, I went back to look after ours. I will onley say that I found our provission, and our cooking outfit, but no cook, nor did I ever see him afterwards. The firing was too much for him, but he was kind enough to leave our grub, and pay for a moinths service where we could get the former and keep the latter.
 
 I did not blame the negro for running away. If he had been wounded there was no place for him, nor no one to take care of him.
 
 About this time the dysentery set in on me, besids I had a bad cough, which prevented me from sleeping at night, or resting in the daytime, and I was again ordered to the field hospital, and from there to Alitoona pass, where I grew worse. The hospital here was so badly crowded that an old woodshed had to be used for a hospital, where the sick were simply laid out on the ground in the dust and klitter. There was not enough attendants to afford necesary saintary relief. Tents were finaly provided, and the sick removed to them. The wounded were continualy coming in from the front, some of them having died on the way. I remember that one rainy morning I lay in my tent, and looked out to where two soldiers lay under a blanket, with the rain poring down upon them. 
 
 I could have known that there was life there. It was ten oclock before any attention was paid to them, when a burrial squod came and removed the covering, when it was all plaine enough. That blanket covered two dead soldiers. Soldiers who went out to fight for their country, and return to enjoy its glory, and its prosperity ans the grand privilege of being an american. Thus passed away thousands, who to day are regarded as having simply been unfortunate, or that they ought to have better luck, but the unanswed fact remains that great wars cannot be fought without some body dying, either of wounds, or of disease, largely the latter.
 
 Here the sick and wounded were examined with a view of sending all of the worst cases to the rear. When the surgeon reached me he had no trouble in disposing of my case, and I was ordered to the officers hospital on Lookout mountain, to which I was transported in a box car. No one but sick, or wounded soldier can appriciate the torture, and hardships incident to transportation of this charactor. We all arrived at Chattanooga, in a very exausted condition, late at night, where we were put into a hospital, and the next morning removed to Lookout mountain. There were about six hundred officers here, ranging from lieut's to Dol's. Here I became very much worse, and ofr several weeks was unable to get out of my room. In fact the attending surgeon dispared of my recovery for several days, and if I had folowed his treatment I surely should have died, but I was fortunate in the steward of my ward, who had been an attendant in a hospital in Lowel mass, and had learned much about diseases. He disregarded the treadment of the doctor, by thowing the doses into the fireplace, and using simple remedies of his own. But the doctor never knew, and when I was finaly
 able to get out, he came into my room, and congratulated me on my recovery, and complementing himself for the treatment he had given me; saying that he expected at one time that I would be carried out feet foremost. I have no doubt but that many a brave soldiers life was sacrificed by ignorant physicians, who simply would not let nature do her perfect work in building up a worn down physical organism. This doctor provided me with two tonics, which were very strong, with orders to take them alternately evry hour. I believe that if I had taken either of these tonics as directed, I would not have the privilege of writitng these notes. Besids a bad cough, I had a bad case of dysentery, but more painful than all of these was a burn on my chest from a double application of fly plasr{t}er, that semed to have burned me to the very ribs. For days I sat and held my clothing away from my breast. Lookout mountain is so well known in war history, that anything that I might say would not be new. Forty seven years afterwards I had the privelege of looking upon its rugged highths, but it semed to be the same. The palisades were there, just as they were when I first beheld those majestic highths. Instead of traveling five miles to get to the summit in the ambulance one may board an incline car, and be there in a few minuts. I stood and watched many people going up and down, but I felt that the condition of my nerves would not justify me in making the trip by motor car.
 
 I remained on the mountain about six weeks, a part of which time I was able to get out, and explore the rebel works, and gather Huckleberries from the bushes to eat. At that time politics were being discussed very freely. The conventions had been held, and Lincoln and McCleland were the noiminees. The McCleland men semed to be largely in the majority, which induced a very enthusiastic Lincoln man to maake a pole of the hospital, which resulted in a two-thirds majority in favor of McCleland. We Lincoln men could not believe that such a disparity was accidental. The democratic party, in convention assembled had declared agains the further prosecution of the war, and that proposition was very attractiveto those officers who had contracted cold feet, and that it did not require a great deal of physical discomfort to enabvle them to get into some hospital, and when once there their staying qualities were a great deal stronger than they had been in the face of some impending battle. A majority of the inmates of the hospital were on their feet most of the time, and semed to enjoy life very agreeably. There was onley one wounded man in my ward.
 
 When I was convolesing I had an inordiant desire for huckleberries. I could buy them at anytime, bu t that was not the way that I wanted them. I must have the privelege of picking them off of bushes. I had been told that within a mile of the hospital there was a great abundence of them, and they were the ones I wanted, but I was not strong enough to walk to them, and I waited impatiently for strngth enough to make the trip. I finaly reached the patch, after having made three attempts. I have no idea how many I eat, but I finaly tore myself away, and when I got back to the hospital I was again hungry for the berries. I had a chum whose name was Gibbon. He was a Lieut in a Michigan regt. He was there when I went to the hospital, and had been there for some time, and he semed willing to stay, but we were ordered for inspection, and I told G that I was going to insist on going to the front. He thought that neither of us was able for duty. When it came my turn for examination I asked at once to be discharged, and after some argument he complied with my request, but the doctor would not listen to G but discharged him peremtorialy.
 Gibbon and I were very close friends, but I did not then suspect that he had a touch of "cold feet". Having gotten our passes we lit out for Chattanooga the next morning, but had to remain there the most of the day, waiting for transportation, which when we got it, it proved to be a forage train, and there was no place for us to ride but on top of a grain car. People who complain now of tiresome pulman rides ought to have a privelege of riding on the roof of a grain car, for a change, but for the comfort that there is in the experience. We both wore shoulder straps, but that did not even give us a bed on the grain that the car contained; this was a time when rank cut no figur in our favor. We had to pass throgh a tunnel or two, and any railroad trainman will tell you that one does not imbibe any poetic inspiration in such experiences, but plenty of coal smoke. All night long we reclined on the top of that car, clinging to the footboard for safety. Some of the soldiers who had guns, straped them selvs to it, while others more ventursome slept soundly with their feet hanging over the side of the car. The road was so crowded that a freight train was not much of an improvement over a good lively ox team. When morning came we were not more than fifty miles from Chatanooga. About noon we reached Alitoona, and as I had been there I got off to get something to eat, and throgh the dishonesty of the vendor of pies, and bread, in trying to keep my change, I got left, and having left my blankets and coat with Gibbon, I was in a bad fix, but got a pass from the commendant I got another train in the afternoon, but where, if ever would I find Gibbon. My train stopped at Maryetta, and running across some officers who had been discharged from the hospital authorities to take them in, all McCleland men, I was able to trace Gibbon, and my baggage also.
 
 We spent two nights and a day in Maryetta, and when at supper the evning before we agreed to take the first train out to the front. He said that he was going out to visit some friends, and be in before ten oclock, but when I came at that time he was not there, but hi baggage was, and I thought that I would find him in his room in the morning, and of course I looked for him as soon as I got dressed, but found him not, but his stuff was still there. I had breckfast, and waited for a time, and lit out for the dapot, thinking that I might find him there, or hear something from him, but never a Gibbon. A train came along, and I got aboard, and was off, but did not get across the river on that train, as it stoped before it got there. But luckeyly a train load of troups came along, and I ran along it, when it halted,, looking for a means to get up into the cars, when it heard famillier voices calling to me, and looking up I beheld several of my old neighbors, and school mates who belonged to the 25 Ind, and of course I felt quite at home. Our train took us across the river, just in the rear of our lines and I camped with my friends that night, but was off the next morning in search of my regt, which was said to be on the extreme right, about seven miles away, which was a prety long trip for a convalescent. After traveling a mile or so a teamster passed me, and gave me a lift for about three miles, but it was late in the afternoon when I reached my company, and went into camp for the first time since the first week, or ten days in June. The next morning when I got up I found that I could hardly get around, but after a day or so gathered some strength, and performed my part of the duty. Our corps was then in the lead on the right, in an effort to reach the railroad in the rear of the enimy. We would move forwards evry day and press the rebels back, and thenn throw us a safe line of works during the night. Sometimes we would not gaine more than three quarters of a mile. The 14 corps followed after us, occupying our works after each movement. I do not remember how long we kept this up; possibly ten days, but I do remember that the hardships of the campaing brought on my old disease, Dysenteria worse than ever, and I had to go to the field hospital, but didn't remain there but a few days, when Gen Sherman issued orders for the removal of evry man back to Maryetta, that was not able to march 20 miles per day, and our hospital was broken up and the sick removed as ordered. We were conveyed a part of the way in ambulances to a small town, where freight cars were furnished us, and in less than a day we were in the hospital at Maryetta.
 
 Of course we could not even guess what was going on for several days, but finaly it leaked throgh the lines that Sherman's army had gone south, and had left onley one corps between us and Atlanta. I think that this movement was commenced on the 20th of Aug. 
 
 I was confined to my room nearley all of the time that I was at this place, but about the 31st of Aug, the doctor gave all dysentery patients a remedy that greatly relieved them, and the next day we were able to get out, and walk around. On the night of the first a terable explosion took place at, or in the direction of Atlanta. Which proved to be the blowing up of the foundries and iron works of the rebels. Before morning we received the news that Atlanta had probably been evacuated, and the news semed to put new life in all of the patients. On the morning of the 3rd I attended sick call, and requested that I be discharged, but I had to convince the doctor that I would be just as well off as I was there, that my regiment would go into camp there, and my men would take care of me if I needed any help. He finaly complemented me by saying that there were a great many others there that were far more able to soldier than I was, but that he had not been able to convince them of the fact. I was given a number of ment o come along with me, to whom I paid little attention after getting them on the cars.
 
 A dispatch had been sent to the hospital, giving the probbal location of each regt. My regt was to go to Decature, six miles east of Atlanta, and of course evryone knew where he was going to. We arrived in Atlanta in the evnine, and were quartered in the rebel barracks for the night, and after getting a bite to eat in the morningprepared to to march to Decature. The commandant of the barracks mustered about a hundred men, and put them in my charge, I being the onley officer there. I managed to get them into a kind of a line, and after marching them a mile into the country, disbanded them, saying to them that they were better off to take care of themselves than I was. We fell in with many stragglers from the front, and and they presented a fair representation of what was afterwards called "Sherman's bummers". They had picked up evry kind of conveyance, form a two wheeled cart to a fine carraige, and were hawling their baggage, and their food in them. They had pork, beef, chickens, and turkeys, that they had picked up on the way. It will suffice to say that we got there, and most of them had the best that the land offered to eat i.e. especialy those that were coming in frokm the main army. As my military carear is soon to close, there is little more to say. As the doctor advised me I was by no means a well man. I do not think that I was able to go on duty but once after returning. My entire system semed to be out of kelter. Treatment did not seme to relieve me, onley for a time. I finaly got so weak, that I could not walk half a mile. The old regimental surgeon, now brigade surgeon, and a good friend to me, sent for me and advised me to resign, on account of my physical disabiltiy. That if I stayed in the service, I would die, but if I went home I would probably get well. I wanted to stay with the boys to the end, which I did not believe would be very long. I had fought my way up to a commission, and I wanted to get some benefit from it. I had been little or no use to my command since the 10th of June, and there was little prospect that I would be able to do any better.
 
 On the morning of the 22nd of Sept I started for home. I had to ride horseback to Atlanta,and was completely done up when I got there the excitement of home going all left me, and I quite collapsed. The train left about dark. Of course as usual we had to ride in box cars, but managed to extemprize seats out of lumber that we picked up along the road. To add to my physical grief, muscular rheumatism now set in, and I suffered the most excrusiating pain. The Col Wright of the 25th Ind happened to be on the train, and he did evrything in his power to make me comfortable. There was quite a number of officers in the car, all going home,on furlogh, or dischargrd. Our progress was very slow, and we did not reach Chattanooga till the next evning. Here we were informed that our train would probably be the last one over the road. Forst was raiding the country between Chattanooga and Nashville, and there was no telling on what part of the road he would appeare, and we onley moved forward when our scouts let us know that the way was cleared. Of course I was greatly concerned, to be captured meant death to me, as I could not indure the hardships that a prison life would entale upon me. We did not feel safe till we reached Murphrysboro. My recolection is that we reached Nashville about ten oclock, and remained till 5 oclock, when we pulled out for Louisville. Where we arrived the next morning at 4 oclock a m. Col Wright proposed to carry my blankets if I could manage to walk, till we could get a ride in some market wagon. A butchers wagon finaly overtook us, and gave us a lift. From Louisville to Portland it is about three miles, and of course the butcher man did us a great favor. A little after sun up we crossed the Ohio river to Newalbany, and out of danger of maurading gorrillas. There is nothing very interesting about the ballance of the trip, and I will drop the curtain over my military experience. 
 
 Chapter III
 No one but a soldier will ever realize the comfort that homecoming brings to him. Great changes had taken place during my absence. Society, to some extent had been readjusted. People who were poor when I left them were now in good circumstances, and showed an independence that was rather lordly in comparrison with their demeanor when they were threatend by invasion by an inveterat foe. When we went out we were assured that no good thing would be with-held from us. Our families would be taken care of, but they were scared then, but they were brave now. We had driven the enimy far beyond their borders. High prices had filled their pockets with greenbacks, and they were onley interested in us to the extent of our ability to pay for what we had to have to live upon. 
 
 While prices were high, wages were disproportionaly low. My uncle was runing a large tobacco business, and he paid his hands $1.50 per day, most of them boarding themselves. I was surprised to find a pronounced sentiment amooung men who were doin g a speculative business in favor of the war, to the end that its continuance would enhance the price of gold, and thereby increase their proffits. The old patriotism that had influenced us to leave our homes and famalies had given away to a sperit of gredy selfishness. Evry where could be heard the predicion that gold would go to four hundred percent in less than six months. A sperit of speculation prevaild evrywhere. men bought reculasly going largely indebt for their purchases. Many men had no confidence in the "greenback" money, and disposed of it for lands, and other properties, in the belief that almost any kind of investment was safer. I will say in passing that in six months many of these men found themselves largely in debt, and gold went down steadily. 
 
 The ballance of this otobiograpy will onle deal with the sailient incidents of my life. In fact will be limited to my wanderings in different parts of the country.
 
 After spending a few weeks recuperating my shattered health, I secured employment with my uncle in his tobacco business, and became a private citizen to all intense and purposes, and commenced a vigorous effort to retrieve my fallen fortune. My wife had kept one of my horses, and a part of my farming tools were still left. Many things had been used, and worn out by my friends. I hired for a year at $500 per year, but in the spring I found that I could not support my family on that wage, and incouraged by the high prices of farm products. I secured a small farm, at an enormous price and went to work. In this venture, I came out about even, but was able to save a little salvage, by my work as a cooperer, of tobacco hogsheads. I made a very good contract with my uncle for the year of 1866, to work one of his farms, and assist him in his business. Unfortunately he was something of a diapated character at times, and in one of these fits he quarraled with me, and insisted that I leave his place, and his employmment. Realizing that I could not get along with him, I concluded to go west with a cusin of my wife and in ten days I was on the road for Iowa. This I consider was the most foolish venture of my life. I was getting in prety good shape again financialy, and I should have staid, and fought it out with my uncle, however unpleasant the situation would have been. I knew nothing of the great west, having never seen a prarie, and I had no idea that the country was so new, and so sparcely inhabited. I had a splendid team, and wagon and I figured that I could surely make a living with them.
 
 On the 27th day of March 1866 we bid farewell to the old home, and our people, and for 30 days fought mud, and high water, but with all of these discomforts, we injoyed the trip, and pulled up to a little hamlet called Manti, in Fremont county, Iowa on the 27th day of April.
 
 My wife had a cousin living here, which was very incouraging to us. For a week after landing I was never so blue in my life, the country and surroundings was so different to what I had expected that I was frantic. Deforrest and I were luckey enough to secure one of the best farms, and houses that the country afforded, and in a short time we were farming, and my blues disappeared for ever. To the farmer who has been raised in a timber country a prarie farm is most attractive. We succeeded in raising a prety good crop of corn, and managed to take in a little money otherwise.
 
 The next year I managed to rent a little farm, in the timber near Sidney Iowa, where I lived for eight years, with verried successes but my health broke down, so much that I had to depend largely upon my boys to cultivate my crops. Feeling that my physical condition was growing worse, I began to look around for something else to do that would give me a living. I had made a great many friends in the county and had become somewhat prominent in the "Grange circles", and all who knew my physical frailties, took a deep interest in my welfare, and through these influences I was induced in the spring of 1874 to run for Clerk of the courts. I had never had any experience in politics, other than to vote, and attend a political meeting once and a while. In National politics I had kept in line, and was well advised along party lines in that direction, but as to local politics, I had paid little attention. I believed that local politics were generally corupt, and that honest men had better keep out entirely.
 
 What was intended to be a two candidate campaign, tirminated in three. Gange,Republican, and Democrat. I tried to do my duty as a political candidate, but I realized from the first that I was a dismal failure. To make a long story short I was beaten by a small margin, by the granger candidate. Of course I felt my defeat very sevirely, moreso on account of my wasting physical energies. My family physician had warned me that I could not stand the winter climate, and do farm work, and as I could see nothing for me in the west outside of my chosen avocation, and after mature reflection concluded to return to my old home in Ind where in case of my death my family would be with relatives, who would look after their welfare. Having made up our minds in that direction we lost no time in puting theory into practice. I sent my family on in the fall, and after selling my stock and other things, followed them in january. Looking at this move in the light of expediency, it proved to be very foolish, as a matter of necessity it was iminently proper. In fact there was nothing elce that we could do, we simply bowed to the inevitable.
 
 One who has lived in the then great west for nine years, and then go back to southern Ind, could never reconcile himself to the conditions that he had to indure. I rebelled, and all of my family rebelled, but my wife, who of all of us was satisfied. During the first three years I never lay down without feeling deep grief in my heart, and an uncontrolably longing for the conditions that I loved so well in the prarie west. Looking around me at the hundreds of men, who were living upon a mear pittance. I could see no opertunities for a man without abundent means to rise above a common clodhopper condition in life.
 
 We finaly puled ourselves to gather, and went to work at whatever our hands found to do, and finaly to farming in the spring, and we made a living and was able to gaine a little. But my health again failed, and I had to look around for something else to do. Wherever I have lived I have always had good warm friends. Friends that were on the watchout for opertunities for me.
 
 A justice of the peace having died in our county seat, my friends insisted that I make an effort to secure the place. At the nomination convention I was defeated, but the nominee died before the spring election, and a caucus was called, and I received the nomination and was elected by a small plurality. I had never paid much attention to court procedure, and practicaly knew nothing about it. Up to my fortyth year I had never sat as a juriman in the trial of a cause, and when I assumed the judicial ermine, it was withmuch trepidation, and fear of myself. While naturaly I had the dignity I lacked the practice to enforce it boldly, and being naturaly timid and concientiously defaults. The lawyers of the city set up a job on me, to try the mettal of the "county justice".
 
 There was acase of unlawful entry and detainer, coupled with a charge of assault upon a woman who was the tenant, by the landlord who was the meanest man in town. The case had been started before another justice, and taken away on a change of venue to another one and from him to me. Under the Ind law more than one change of may be taken. The intention from the first was to get it to me.
 
 The trial was held in the courthouse, and the lawyers insisted that I sit on the judges bench, to which I entered a feeble demurer, but finaly took a seat on that august bench, with fear, and inwardly some trembling.
 
 My recolection that there were five lawyers on the side of the plaintiff, and one, who was the most consumit petifiger, that I ever knew for the defendant. In consummit meanness and intrig he outstriped the character represented by Dickens in his David Copperfield. Of course he objected to evrything, and the first day was consumed in ruling on his objections, but finaly we struck a note that precipitated a cricis. I ruled that the defendant should answer a certain question, and Link told him not to ansere it, which placed me the defendant in contempt of court, and much as I hated it but there was nothing for me to do but to send him to jail, which I did and adjurned court, so that the defendant might enjoy a short period on quiet meditation. It was fortunate that judge Moore came to town that evening, and got into the case, and his influence seemes to have had an immediate effect, as in an hour after his arrival the defendant promised to be good if I would let him out. The next day he came into court, and answered the question, and many more, and the case was given to the jury, who in a short tiem returned a verdict against the defendant as charged. I did not feel a bit good over his trial. I felt that I had been badly treated, the more so that on account of the fact that some of my best friends had taken part in the farce that had humiliated me to some extent, but I will say that I finaly got most of the business. All of the lawyers but Link brought me their business, so that my docked contained many hundreds of cases when my term expired. I will also say that I do not recall a case in which I was reversed by the upper courts. The fact that I received much business from all over the county emphasized my reputation for being a faire minded and impartial Judge.
 
 The latter part of 1879, I applied for a pension. Up to this time I had refused to make any movement in that direction. I went into the army with patriotic motives, and with no expectation of reward in any way of a pension. I had taken the stand that the government should pension all of the baddly wounded soldiers. In fact the soldiers generally gave no thought to this matter when they enlisted, but we did expect, and were given to understand that we would get land warrants, as had the soldiers of othher wars, up to that time.
 
 In Feb 1882 my claim was allowed, and I drew pay that amounted to about $2,400, which was almost a godsend, as we were baddly indebt. On getting money I commenced to look around for a new location, and my love for the west came upon me with much force, as two of the boys were already there. I naturally drifted back to Iowa, where I had formaly {formerly} lived. I bought some lots and built us a small home. The winter of 1882 - 3 my old lung trouble was revived, from which I suffered greatly. With the advice of an old fool doctor I made a trip to California, where I received some benefit as to my lungs, but suffered from other army diseases. I remained in Cal six months, and then returned to Iowa. Out of money and out of a job, but I was fortunate in securing a position as local editor on one of our city papers "The Republican."
 
 Though entirely unacquainted with the work, I will say that I suceded reasonably well. While in Cal I had attracted considerable attentin as a correspondent of another city paper. While my earnings were not by any means lucrative, I was able to get through winter reasonably well. My second son Albert had secured a position as a grocery clerk, and he contributed liberaly to the support of the family, otherwise our living would have been seriously curtailed. In the spring of 1884, my name was presented to the people as a candidate for Mayor.
 
 Relatives and people who had formerly known me circulated the information that I had served for several years as a police justice in another state, which in the face of the fact that the encumbent of the mayor's office had proven a great failure, gave zest to my candiancy. I never asked a man to vote for me, or neglected my duties as an editor for a single hour, but my friends were active, as was shown when the votes were counted, which tallied my name two to one against my opponant. A vacancy occured in one of the justice offices, which was handed to me, which enabled me to see my way out of the woods again. That I was acceptable to the people, the fact that I served them as their mayo for Seven consecutive years and as justice of the peace for fifteen years, fully proved. Our children having left us we concluded to move to Omaha where I erected a home. In my new home I was able to be out of doors doing light work in the improvement of our home, raising fruit, and vegetables, and flowers, my health was greatly improved. 
 
 In some way it semed that I had been fated for the justice office. I had not been in my new location but a short time till I was again inducted into office.
 
 Human beings at best are lyable to do some very foolish things but when they get old, if left to their own volition they are liable to make some very grave mistakes. My health again gave way and we concluded that a northan climate was too seveir for us, and having a granddaughter who was a tubuculosis invalid, we concluded to go with her to Florida, and having a brother at StCloud we naturally drifted to that place. Where we landed about the 9th of December 1909. The grandaughter failed utterly in about six weeks, and we sent her home to die, but having acquired some property there we had to stay. We had sacrificed our furniture, and there and as we had invested the most of our surplus money we would necessarily have to dispose of our holding{s} there in ordre that might refurnish our house in the north. It was rather a sad plite for two old people to be cought in, and much moreso when we both found that we could not stand that climate. My wife's health utterly failed, and on the 6trh of Sept I had to hurry her north, and I remained to dispose of my property. I had hard work to pull th{r}ough, but managed to keep on my feet till about the 24th of December, when I was luckey enough to sell out at a reasonable figure, but fearing to come north in the middle of the winter, I remained in Florida till the 16th of Febuary 1911, but did not reach home till the 23rd of March. I was very sick on the road, and remained in bad physical condition till the middle of summer. I found my wife sick in bed, which made the outlook for me very gloomy indeed. My Son's wife -((R B Carter died on the 16th of June, which was a sad event for all of us. To us for the reason that we had arranged to make our home in his family. But we met the responsibility bravely, and lived rather hapily to gather, till the last of October when it appeared when it appeared the responsibilities were to{o} great for people of our age, and we broke up. My wife going to our daughter for the winter, if not permanently, and I to my son Albert's house to remain till I could make some disposition of our property.
 
 It has been rather a sad experience for people of our age, but it is one that most old people have to mete, some of them in a much worse way, and it is possible that we ought to accept the situation with commendable resignation. People of our age live largely in the past, and the conditions that have obtained in the social relations of life, are ever reoccuring to them. The difference in that life, and the one that we enjoy now is radically different as night and day.
 
 In our earley days we lived for the future, but now the great majorty live for the day that they know that is theirs. The whole social fabric is a giddy whirl, and a farce. There is very little that is real, and substantial. Eat, drink, and be merry is the slogan that resounds from evry cornner. People go to the theatres and pay their money to hear trained people act the fool. The cronic devotees spend their hard earned money, and get nothing for it. Nothing is remembered by them, they realize that they have been fed on the chafe, and they have no regard for it. The world has produced a few artist{s}, but the great majority are simply amitures, who keep in the lime light by the exercise of small wit, and the exhibition of gaudy dress, but little of that. There was a time when men and women held their auditors spellbound by their logic, and the eloqquent way in which they were able to present it, but now they can rarley get a respectable audience, unles the embelish the logic with a superabundent amount of vaudiville acting.
 
 What the harvest will be we can not even conjecture. We know the fate of Rome, and Carthage, and many other grand civil{iz}ations that have past away, as it were, amid a whirl of social acting and excitement. The inteligence that produced these grand results was crouded out, and trampled under foot, and when that was gone ther was nothing left to build upon. Wise students are predicting already that our grand civil{iz}ation will pass away, and our cities will take their places with the dismantled principalities of Asia. These thoughts will be clased as the vaperings of an old man whose proper place is with the human discard.
 
 I take it that it is the duty of evry man and woman that is born into the world should strive to leave something behind them that will be a benefit to future posterities, but unfortunately the great majority of them are remembered onley by a few associates that knew them for a short time. 
 
 My politics have been radicaly along republican lines. My first presidential vote was cast for Abraham Lincolon, of which I am very proud, and I have voted for evry republican president since. I have never seen anything in the other parties that appealed to my sense of justice, patriotism, and statesmanship. During my lifetime the democratic party has left nothing on our National statuts that showed either wisdom, or commendable statesmanship. I am surprised that the oposite party has survived so long, and maintained a power that would indicate that there was force enough to recomend it for a bare possible supremicy, and yet while it has not made a record of good accomplished, in the way of legislation it has exzerted a power that compelled the prevailing party to put forth its best men for office. I do not believe that it is possible to organize a great party that is absolutly pure in all of its parts. I believe that it is absolutly necessary to the perpetuation of our free government. Where the carcase is there will be found the vulturs, and it is not unreasonable that a party long in power should draw to it more than its share of these political potentialities that have appeared in this country during the last fifty years, that to the victor belong the spoiles, and it was understood that the successfull party should reward its henchmen, whether qualified or not, for the position assigned them, and it generaly occured that there were more applicants that positions to be filled, and new places had to be provided. I have known this to oddure in my own party, but being the rule in politics, men of otherwise sturling integrety condoned the wrong by shutting their eyes to the astounding fact. Fifty years ago, the people received their political inspiration from the leading politicians, and invariably waited for them to dispense the political gospel for the ensuing campaign.
 
 This principal prevailed more radicaly in the south than it did in the north. In the south ignorance was bliss, and it was folly to be wise, which was tought from the pulpit, and all political rostrums, which the ignorant people believed and practiced, and it was through this pernitious influence that the leaders in the south was able to prosecute the rebellion to the extent that they did. Very wealthy people in the south ignored, and condemed the newspapers. I remember to have heard a slave owner boast that he had never allowed a newspaper to enter his house. Even now, as I observed in the south, while sojurning there during the last two years, thousands of people never read a newspaper. The progress that has been made in throwing off the spoiles system, and other pernitious influences has been brought about by the influences of the newspapers that have been so widely distributed over the entire country, and the day is neare by when the voters of this country will decide all political questions at his own fireside.
 
 My ancestors were all old line whigs, with one exception, and he was considered a kind of political "misfit" by the ballance of the famalies, and all able bodied men were in the union army. In my earley boyhood, and manhood days my political ideals were Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster, from speaches I invariably made my selections for declamitory distinction at our debates, and memories, and would possibly cut small figure in our political arena of this day, and age. Like George Washington, who was able to controll the military destinies in his day. In comparison with Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Sheridan would fall below some of our brigade commanders in the late civil war. To some I understand that such a comparison, is more than presumptious, but the facts remain, and are demonstratable.
 
 As to my religious views, and experiences: I will say that at this time my creed, so to speak, is very broad, and takes in evry thing that makes men and women better, morraly, religiously and intillectualy. Mother was the most profoundly concientious christian charactor that I ever knew, or read of. She was a firm believer a providential interfearance in the affares of mankind and could make a divine application of evry condition that the human race is called upon to indure. If dire misfortune overtook any one, she belived that it was a provedental interfearance in our behalf. Her lot in life was, from earley womanhood, attended with the most adverse circumstances, and conditions, all of which she bore with christian resignation, and fortitude. There was not a shadow of deceit, or discimulation, in her conduct, or social intercourse with those who were fortunate enough to come within her influence. In evrything that she said, in the way of conveying information, she invariably qualified her statement, with I believe, or have been told that it is the truth, and she taught me never to be absolutley shure that evrything that I said, when coming to others, was possibly true, and so firmly did she implant this principal in my mind, that even now I often find myself somewhat handicapped in imparting information to others, and I have been criticised by some of my family, for hesitency, in arriving at conclusions. I remember that in my earley boyhood, I invariably qualified any statement that I might make, with "I believe that is so", and I remember that I was frequently laughed at, on account of that expression. I never knew anyone to speak illy of her, in fact evry body love her for her pure christian character, and lovable disposition. When she died, those who looked upon her dead face saw a halo, that to them appeared angelic, which was so apparent that people who saw it, were lothed to leave a presence that appeared so divine. Language failes me to discribe her pure character as I saw and felt it. 
 
 I tried hard to imitate, and copy my mothers views, along religious lines, which was hard for me to do, for the reason that she had an emotional nature, while I was radicaly the opposite.
 
 Obeying my mothers teachings, I early identified myself with the methodist church, of which she was a member for more than fifty years, and I tried hard to enter the holy of holies, from which I believed that she received her sublime inspritation, but I could not never do it. Any undue exhibition of religious excitement invaribly chiled, whatever emotional feelings I was able to work up, and on the shores of doubt, and uncertainty, but inspite of all of my doubts, and misgivings I maintained an honorable standing in the church and conducted my walk so circumspectly, that many of the old members of the church picked me out for the ministry, but I never for a moment believed that I had the necessary qualifications to become an exponent of the christian religeon as towght in that day, which was entirely emotional, and a misister who failed to awaken in the hearts of his bearers those feelings was concidered a dismal failure. I recognized the fact that a peculiar influence could onley be felt, and injoyed when the altar was crowded with seekers, of very devoted people, suggested to my mind that it might be a magnettic influecne, that semed to me all to{o} human. For many years I struggled with, and studied these manifestations, of what was called the divine power. I always defended the bible, believing as I did that it made some people better, and made people more civilized, and better citizens. I examined the many new "cults" that have been introduced in my day, but in them I found nothing that satisfied my mind. Speritial manifestations were introduced, and practicied in my immediate vicinity, to which I gave very little attention. I reasoned that if my mother was in the speritual world, and was concious of what was going on upon the earth, she would in some way communicate with her friends, but not through a medium, or person, who was of questionable charactor. Scsience has thrown much light into the dark places. The wonderful development in electricity in my day, and the fact that we are now able to communicate with friends who are thousands of miles away, through the air that we breathe, suggests to my mind that it is possible that there is still hidden, a force that will eventualy lead us on to a higher plain of religious thought, and experience. That it is possible that human beings may find the connecting link that connects the creator with the created, but when we look at the possibility of these things through the light that comes to us through the ceintific annalisis of the physical forces of the system of worlds to which we belong, we get problems, and possibilities that are incomprehensible, and I have settled in my mind, that inasmuch as we cannot understand these wonderfull propositions we had better attend to the things that we know of, and let those things we do not alone. We are borne into this world, not of our volition, but through the intreposition of a force that is trancendantly beyond our explenation, or comprehension, and as we find that we are endowed with trates of character that may be used by us for our weal, or woe. It is encumbent upon us to go forward in the exercise of these faculties, and use them so that we will be able to obtaine the greatis amount of good for our selves, and for those around us, and leave it with the crator to take care of us when we go hhence, I take it that thers I a responsibility resting upon us to improve the talents that have been given us which must have been for a purpose, and it is our duty to improve in some way. To my mind the grandest declaration to be found in the whole bible is that which commands us to do unto others, as we would be done by. If we practice this principal, we will have fulfilled the law, that was intended to govern us while in this state of existence, What we see and know in our earthly life, is all that we can comprehend, as to the existance of another, according to the light and knowledge that he has been able to gather. Then let us be honest, be faithful, love our neighbor as our self, in this life, and we will not be denied any good thing in the life to come, what ever that life may be.
 
 
 VALEDICTORY
 
 I hereby dedicate the foregoing otobyography to my son Albert S. Carter, to be used by him in anyway that he may think best, and say as a matter of explenation, and excuse of having writen a short sketch of my life, that I have not done it because of any great act that I may have performed, but mostly on account of the fact that I have had little elce to do this winter. I would be glad if I had something of greater importance to write. My life from early boyhood up to the present time has been of the most streneous character, and I do not recall any considerable time that I have not been burdened with hardships, or sorrow. My life a very earley period has been a very busy one. I could never tolerate absolute idleness. My home has been an earthly heaven, and when not engaged I have made it a point to spend my time at home, and while I have been deprived many times of the privelege of enjoying real home life. I had a place to which I could go, and get away from business and from the world, so to speak. My social qualities have never been what average people call brillient, or fairly good. Life with me has been something of a tragedy. I became a little man when I was onley eight years old, and so exacting was the duties that were forced upon me, that it chilled the enthusiasm that usualy inspres the young mind. I have often said that I never was a boy in the general acceptance of the term. I helped to raise my mothers family, and ere I had completed the job I took upon myself or friends, being now well along in my 76th year, and I am glad to be able to say that I feel like that I may survive for some time yet. I have writen these momors from memory without notes, or correction, and without repeating a single line. I opine that there are mistakes in arthography, and gramatical construction, but I think that the work will pass reasonably well for one of my age. My eyesight has been too dim for me to look up, and ascertain if they are artographicaly correct.
 
 Good Bye OMAHA, Feb 19, 1912 Signed, James B. Carter
 
 
 {This American character died Dec 2, 1916 at the Old Soldier�s Home in Minneapolis, Minnesota}
 
 
 Some Terms Used During the American Civil War
 Artillary - Large guns such as mortars and cannons; the word "artillery" is also the name of the units armed with these guns
 Battery - Usually, six guns, each attached to a limber which is a two wheel ammo chest, drawn by three pairs of horses in tandem. A standard battery consisted of 155 men with various jobs to perform. Cannons are said to be in-battery while in use.
 Bivouac - The Civil War term defined by the U.S. Army in 1861: "When an army passes the night without shelter, except such as can be hastily made of plants, branches, etc., it is said to be in bivouac" 
 Bounties - A monetary sum of money, sometimes $500 for short term enlistment and $1500 for a three year enlistment to augment the armies of both the North and South. The bounty system was riddled with problems. Men would often enlist, then jump regiment hoping to reenter with another unit. The Federal government and local governments paid 600 million in bounties during the war.
 Breastworks - Chest-high fortifications made of dirt and wood
 Brigade - The common tactical infantry and cavalry unit of the Civil War. The brigade had 4-6 regiments, sometimes less, sometimes more. Operated by the brigade general, the brigade could be commanded by a colonel, dependant on its size. Brigades were not of equal strength on both sides of the war. The Confederate brigade was said to have greater numbers than the Northern brigade. 
 Bummers - The term applies to foraging or marauding soldiers in the war. Military rules often disallowed foraging but when allowed, supposedly, had strict rules. A discreet officer was placed in charge; soldiers could not use threatening or abusive language; they could not trespass in a private dwelling and must leave enough for family subsistence. Too often, these soldiers became marauders, answering to no one as they gathered their spoils of war with their own methods.
 Camp Follower - A broad term simply meaning anyone who followed armies for profit and employment. It applied to sudlers, laundress's, bakers, barbers and the like. It also applied to prostitutes, card dealers, illegal whiskey sellers
 Canister Shot - A type of artillery shell designed to explode upon firing, spraying out the lead or iron shot that was packed within the canister. It was a cruelly effective antipersonnel weapon, generally used at close range.
 Case Shot - Spherical case - a cannon round invented by Henry Shrapnel, English artilleryman in 1784. The round is an antipersonnel round, fired at close range. The load breaks apart shortly after firing and smaller balls devastate close-by combatants
 Cavalry - Sword-carrying troops who rode horses into battle
 Company - Normally consisted any unit of 50-100 men, commanded by a Captain. 10 of these generally made up a regiment. Companies had 4 squads made up of a sergeant or corporal. Most had colorful names and mascots 
 Dysentery - an infection of the lower intestinal tract producing pain, fever, and severe diarrhea, often with the passage of blood and mucus; the number one killer in the Civil War
 Earthworks - Defensive fortification with wooden frameworks and dirt in front; see breastworks
 Foraging - A Civil War term meaning to "live off the land." The term also applied to plundering. Receipts were often exchanged for goods taken and these in turn, would be owed or paid by the quartermaster. Too often, the term is more accurately applied to stealing by undisciplined officers and soldiers alike. Many soldiers felt the goods taken were payment for their fighting in the war. It has been said, cavalry was more prone to foraging than infantry. This is because the infantry normally was followed by supply wagons, sudlers and the like. This system of supply was not practical to the cavalry since they were so mobile. 
 Furlough - Any leave granted to a soldier by his superior. A soldier on furlough left his arms and accoutrements behind. He carried furlough papers detailing his leave dates, assignment and return to duty date. Since photos were noticeably absent, such furlough papers gave a physical description of the man. 
 Grape shot/cannister - An artillery round. Usually 9 shot placed between two iron plates. Canister, was iron plates having iron balls with 4 tiers and packed with sawdust. Both of these rounds were used in close quarters combat and were highly effective and gruesome in their use. Charging infantry were virtually eliminated as they approached these batteries. Very few walked away. Batteries changed over to grape and canister when the position appeared to be overrun or had the potential of being overrun. 
 Grub - Slang term for food, often disliked food (see hardtack)
 Hardtack - A quarter inch cracker made of unleavened flour. It was a staple of Northern and Southern soldiers alike. Often worm infested, the cracker was unpopular and unpalatable, but it had shelf life... 
 Haversack - A cotton or linen bag for a soldier's rations
 Hot Shot - Used during the Civil War were solid iron shot, heated in a furnace and fired at wooden vessels of war. Shot furnaces were found aboard ships and at coastal fortifications. The projectile would embed itself in the ship, smolder and then set the vessel on fire.
 Howitzer - A relatively shorter-barreled cannon with a chamber at the base of the bore, designed to take a smaller charge. Its range is shorter than that of a gun, and the trajectory of the projectile shows more arc
 Infantry - Soldiers who fought on foot, equipped with small arms (weapons)
 Interval - Distance between platoons, companies, regiments, etc.
 Line of Battle - The position of troops drawn up in their usual order without any determined maneuver
 Line of March - Arrangement of troops for marching 
 Minie Bullet - Developed in the 1840's by French captains Henri-Gustave Delvigne and Claude- Etienne Minie, was the standard projectile of the Civil War. Unlike the musket, the Minie allowed quicker loading and greater accuracy. It is generally thought to be the device that caused appalling battle casualties in the war. 
 Mortar - A short chambered gun with a large bore for throwing shells, etc. into fortifications
 Noncombatants - The Civil War term for surgeons, nurses, chaplains, sudlers and citizens travelling with the armies. Persons captured having this status were released immediately, unconditional and unilaterally by both sides of the conflict. This was arranged by Confederate army surgeon, Hunter H. McGuire. History records no violation of these accords. 
 Ordnance - Weapons and related supplies; ordnance is also the name of the branch of the army responsible for weapons and related supplies
 Parapet - A barrier of earth to intercept the fire of an enemy
 Picket - A person placed on guard duty at the front lines and during the Civil War, a synonym for a guard or sentry
 Pontoons - Small boats to aid in the formation of bridges
 Ration - A soldiers daily allowance of food
 Roster - List of officers and men, by which to regulate their duties. e.g., Duty Roster
 Reserve - Select body of troops retained in the rear
 Running The Guard - A Civil War term for desertion. Also known as "flanking the sentinel." Desertion was high when Civil War soldiers were stationed close to or campaigned near their homes. 
 Siege - To surround a city or enemy army, cutting off supplies, in order to force surrender
 Shells - Hollow balls filled with explosive material which are fired by a fuse
 Shoddy - An inferior wool cloth issued in the form of uniforms during the early days of the war. The term later became the word used to describe inferior government equipment. It literally fell apart in a few weeks of being issued. 
 Shot - Solid iron balls shot from a cannon
 Skirmish - A loose, desultory kind of engagement between small detachments
 Surgeon - Army doctor
 Sutler - A peddler who followed the armies to sell food and supplies to the soldiers
 Vidette - Another term for picket, but one usually found on horseback